1 What does the verb ‘know’ mean?
Philosophers have spent two and a half millennia failing to define “know” satisfactorily. That failure is not a sign of philosophy’s weakness. It is a sign of how hard the question is.
The Hillsborough Inquest and What Police Officers “Knew”
On 15 April 1989, at the FA Cup semi-final between Liverpool and Nottingham Forest at Hillsborough stadium in Sheffield, ninety-six Liverpool supporters were crushed to death in the central pens of the Leppings Lane terrace; a ninety-seventh, Andrew Devine, was added to the toll in 2021 after he died of injuries sustained that day.1 At about 14:52, with a dangerous build-up outside the turnstiles, Chief Superintendent David Duckenfield, the match commander, ordered the opening of exit gate C — and then, within minutes, told the FA’s Graham Kelly that the fans had forced the gate themselves. South Yorkshire Police repeated this claim publicly in the days that followed; on 19 April 1989 The Sun ran the front-page splash “THE TRUTH,” reporting on the basis of police sources that Liverpool fans had picked the pockets of the dead, urinated on officers performing CPR, and assaulted a constable giving the kiss of life.2
The Taylor Report (1989) found those allegations baseless — drunkenness among the Liverpool supporters had not exceeded levels typical at any large football match — and identified police failure of crowd control as the principal cause. The 2012 Hillsborough Independent Panel found that 164 South Yorkshire Police statements about the day had been significantly amended in a process involving force solicitors, with 116 changed to remove content unfavourable to the police.3 In April 2016, the second inquest jury concluded by a 7–2 majority that the fans had been unlawfully killed and that no behaviour of the supporters had contributed; in 2021 Duckenfield himself accepted in court that his account of the gate had been false.
The question that haunted every courtroom was not merely whether officers had lied, but whether their assertions had ever met the conditions for knowledge — whether they were true, and if true, justified in the way knowledge requires. Some officers had direct observation; others had true beliefs acquired through rumour rather than observation; still others had false beliefs held with complete confidence; some, the second inquest concluded, had asserted what they did not themselves believe. A particular sub-pattern is philosophically pointed: officers reported, truly, that some fans had been drinking and that fans had pressed forward at the gates — but those true peripheral facts were then deployed inside an overall causal story (fans forced the gate) that was false. The inquest had to disentangle several distinct epistemic failures — false belief, lucky-but-unreliable belief, and the rhetorical use of true peripheral facts inside a false frame — that ordinary speech rolls together as “not really knowing.”
1.1 The Tripartite Definition
Plato’s dialogue Theaetetus (c. 369 BCE) proposes what has become the standard starting point. Knowledge, suggests Socrates, is justified true belief: to know something, you must (1) believe it, (2) it must be true, and (3) you must have adequate justification for your belief. This is often abbreviated JTB.4
Three conditions, three separate questions:
- Belief: Can you know something you don’t believe? Could you know the answer to a question and still write the wrong answer on a test? (Some philosophers say yes — you might “know” in some implicit sense while consciously believing the opposite.)
- Truth: Can you know something that turns out to be false? If a geography teacher “knows” that the capital of Australia is Sydney, and they are wrong, were they ever knowing, or only believing?
- Justification: What makes a belief justified? Perception? Memory? Testimony? Inference? This is where much of the real work in epistemology happens.
The tripartite definition has the advantage of capturing our intuitions: hunches are not knowledge (no justification), lucky true guesses are not knowledge (no justification), false beliefs are not knowledge (not true). It held, more or less, until 1963.
1.2 The Gettier Problem
In 1963, Edmund Gettier published a three-page paper — “Is Justified True Belief Knowledge?” — that changed the field overnight.5 He gave two counterexamples showing that you could have a justified true belief that is, intuitively, not knowledge.
The classic reconstruction: Smith and Jones are applying for a job. Smith has strong evidence (the boss told him directly) that Jones will get the job. Smith has also counted the coins in Jones’s pocket: ten coins. Smith therefore believes: The man who will get the job has ten coins in his pocket. This belief is justified. But — unbeknownst to Smith — Smith himself gets the job. And, by coincidence, Smith also has ten coins in his pocket. So Smith’s belief is true. And it was justified. But it was not knowledge — it was true for entirely the wrong reasons.
Gettier’s paper is only three pages. It is one of the most reprinted papers in analytic philosophy. Read it. The full text is freely available at philpapers.org.
The philosophical response since 1963 has been to add a fourth condition, change what we mean by justification, or abandon JTB altogether. None of the proposed solutions has won consensus. The problem remains open.
What it tells us: Justification can be accidentally disconnected from truth. Being right for the wrong reasons is not the same as knowing.
Return now to Hillsborough. Most of what is morally outrageous about the case — Duckenfield’s lie about the gate, The Sun’s smear, the 116 amended statements — is not what is philosophically interesting in the JTB / Gettier frame. Lying is a separate epistemic vice; JTB has no trouble classifying assertions known by the asserter to be false. The harder pattern sits underneath the cover-up. Among officers who genuinely believed what they reported, the case fits the JTB framework awkwardly in more than one way. Some officers asserted what was simply false (most pointedly: the claim that fans, not Duckenfield’s order, had opened gate C) — the truth condition was not met, and JTB classifies these correctly as non-knowledge. Others were strictly correct about peripheral facts (that some fans had been drinking; that fans had pressed forward at the gates) while their account of the central causal story was wrong; for those peripheral beliefs, the justification — rumour, group consensus, retrospective fitting — was not tracking the truth, and the structure resembles Gettier’s: true belief produced by a process unconnected to what made it true. (Strictly, only the second sub-case is a Gettier case; the first is a more mundane JTB failure; the Duckenfield lie is neither.) The courtroom was not asking a piece of philosophy by accident — the distinction between knowing and merely stating the true thing has legal consequences.
1.3 Knowledge, Belief, Opinion
The Greek words Plato uses are instructive: episteme (knowledge), doxa (belief or opinion), aletheia (truth). The distinction matters. Opinion can be true or false; knowledge, if we accept the tripartite definition, must be true. But the intuitive difference goes deeper: knowledge feels stable in a way that belief doesn’t.
Compare:
- “I believe it will rain tomorrow.”
- “I know that water is \(\mathrm{H_2O}\).”
- “In my opinion, the painting is beautiful.”
These feel categorically different. But are they? Wittgenstein, late in his career, wrote On Certainty (1969) to probe the edges of knowledge — things so basic we cannot doubt them, even if we cannot prove them. “My name is Ludwig Wittgenstein” is not something Wittgenstein knows in the sense of having arguments for it — it is a hinge on which all his other thinking depends.
“At the foundation of well-founded belief lies belief that is not founded.” — Ludwig Wittgenstein, On Certainty, §2536
1.4 Knowledge by Acquaintance vs. Knowledge by Description
Bertrand Russell drew a distinction (in The Problems of Philosophy, 1912) that cuts across the JTB debate:7
- Knowledge by acquaintance: direct, unmediated contact with something — I know the colour red by seeing it; I know pain by feeling it.
- Knowledge by description: knowing about something through propositions — I know that Julius Caesar was stabbed on the Ides of March without having witnessed it.
Russell’s point: almost all our knowledge of the world is knowledge by description. We are rarely acquainted with the facts themselves. This raises a question about the reliability of the chain of description — testimony, books, memory.
The distinction is worth knowing as Russell drew it, but worth knowing too that Russell himself abandoned it. In the unpublished Theory of Knowledge manuscript of 1913, under direct pressure from Wittgenstein, he gave up acquaintance as a primitive epistemic relation.
Contemporary epistemology has, with rare exceptions, followed him out. McDowell’s disjunctivist account regrounds the idea that perception puts us in direct cognitive contact with the world, without needing a Russellian “acquaintance” relation to do the metaphysical work; the work building on it has done the same.8
1.5 Questions to Argue About
- If you cannot know you are not dreaming right now, can you know anything about the external world?
- Is there a difference between knowing how (to ride a bike) and knowing that (Paris is the capital of France)? Gilbert Ryle called this the distinction between procedural and propositional knowledge.9 Can the JTB definition handle both?
- Can a computer know something? What would it lack, if anything?
- Is the Gettier problem a devastating objection to JTB, or just a quirky edge case that doesn’t matter in practice?
Forced Fork: Did the Hillsborough Officers “Know” the Gate Was Forced?
Return to the Hillsborough case above. Some officers asserted what was simply false (no truth, no knowledge — JTB handles these cleanly); others were correct about peripheral facts on the basis of justification that was not tracking those facts (the Gettier-shaped sub-case). The Gettier problem has been with us for sixty years and no repair has won consensus. Stop surveying and choose.
Position A: The Hillsborough Gettier-shaped testimonies show that the problem is fatal to JTB as a definition of knowledge. The peripheral beliefs were justified by procedure, true by accident, and on most readings not knowledge. If JTB cannot distinguish lucky-true testimony from real knowing in a case where lives and verdicts depend on the distinction, the framework is broken, not merely quirky. More generally, Gettier cases show that justification can be accidentally disconnected from truth in ways that no fourth condition has successfully plugged. We do not have a satisfactory definition of knowledge, and we should acknowledge this rather than endlessly patching a broken framework.
Position B: The Gettier-shaped Hillsborough sub-cases are still handled by JTB once we are honest about what justification requires — rumour and group consensus are defective justification for the peripheral facts, even when those facts happen to be true. Treating every true-but-lucky belief as a refutation of JTB over-philosophises ordinary failures of testimony. Knowledge in ordinary life and in science does not depend on having a philosophically bulletproof definition. We should work with JTB as a useful approximation and accept that some fringe cases are genuinely indeterminate.
Choosing Position A commits you to explaining what we should replace JTB with, or to accepting that knowledge is a concept that cannot be defined — and then saying what follows from that for epistemology. Choosing Position B commits you to showing why the Hillsborough callback over-reads the case, why the edge cases don’t matter, and to explaining why the history of failed repairs doesn’t suggest the problem is deeper than a quirk.
2 Am I a brain in a vat?
In 1641, René Descartes sat by a fire and decided to doubt everything he could possibly doubt. He wasn’t being dramatic. He was trying to find a foundation for knowledge so solid that nothing could undermine it. His method — radical scepticism — produced one of the most famous arguments in the history of philosophy, and one of the most unsettling questions you can ask yourself on an otherwise ordinary Tuesday.
The Truman Show Defence in American Courts
Between 2002 and 2004, the psychiatrist Joel Gold treated five patients at New York’s Bellevue Hospital who explicitly described their lives as staged television shows; three of the five named the 1998 film The Truman Show as the closest description of what they took their situation to be. One patient, an army veteran, climbed the Statue of Liberty in the belief that reaching the crown would “release him from the show”; a third travelled to New York after the September 11 attacks to verify in person that the destruction of the towers had not been a “plot twist” inserted into his programme. (A second patient, a former intern on a reality programme, believed that hidden cameras tracked him to the polling booth on election day in 2004 — strictly a delusion of reference about who was watching rather than wholesale doubt that the booth was real, and included here because the Truman-Show-delusion family covers that spectrum.) Joel Gold and his brother Ian Gold reported the case series and named the syndrome “Truman Show delusion” in Cognitive Neuropsychiatry in 2012, and developed the cultural argument at book length in Suspicious Minds (2014).10 The same period saw American and Canadian defence counsel cite the diagnosis in mens-rea arguments — most prominently in 2008, when a man charged with attempting to enter a sequestered jury room insisted that the courtroom itself was part of his programme. Defendants who held the belief were not confused about isolated facts; they doubted the entire architecture of shared reality. Courts had to distinguish pathological delusion from the radical sceptical scenario Descartes entertained in the Meditations — where an evil demon produces in us the perfect illusion of a stable world — without obvious philosophical resources for drawing the line. The clinical literature now contains dozens of cases, and neuropsychiatrists debate whether the condition is best understood as a failure of the brain’s reality-monitoring mechanism or as something nearer to a philosophical position arrived at under pressure. What the courtroom drama makes vivid is that wholesale doubt about the external world is not merely an intellectual exercise: it has practical consequences for what we hold people responsible for knowing.
2.1 The Method of Doubt
Descartes begins Meditations on First Philosophy by noticing that his senses have deceived him before. Things look different sizes depending on their distance. Straight sticks appear bent in water. If the senses can deceive sometimes, can he trust them at all?
He escalates. Perhaps he is dreaming right now. Everything he experiences might be a dream. You’ve had dreams that seemed real. How do you know this isn’t one?
He escalates further. What if an all-powerful evil demon (malin génie) is deceiving him about everything — not just his senses, but even mathematics? Could 2+2=5 be a deception planted by this demon?
“I will suppose therefore that not God, who is supremely good and the source of truth, but rather some malicious demon of the utmost power and cunning has employed all his energies in order to deceive me.” — René Descartes, Meditations on First Philosophy, Meditation I11
This is not paranoia. It is a philosophical method: if a belief could possibly be false under any scenario, however far-fetched, it cannot serve as a foundation for knowledge. Descartes is testing what survives absolute doubt.
2.2 The Brain in a Vat
The contemporary version of Descartes’ evil demon is the brain-in-a-vat scenario, articulated by Hilary Putnam in Reason, Truth and History (1981).12 Imagine that you have always been a disembodied brain in a laboratory, kept alive in a vat of nutrients, with all your sensory experiences generated by a supercomputer. Everything you have ever seen, touched, felt, and thought has been a simulation. How would you know?
The film The Matrix (1999) is a pop-culture version of this scenario. But the philosophical version predates it by centuries. The Matrix is Descartes with better special effects.
The scenario is logically coherent. There is no internal contradiction in the idea. If it is coherent, then for all you know, it might be true. And if you can’t rule it out, how can you claim to know anything about the external world?
This is external world scepticism: the view that we cannot have knowledge of the world beyond our own minds. Descartes himself didn’t accept this as the final word. He thought he could escape it. The escape route he took — proving God’s existence to guarantee the reliability of his faculties — is not widely accepted today, though it has had serious twentieth-century defenders. Alvin Plantinga’s reformed epistemology argues that belief in God can be properly basic, and that without something like a divine guarantee, the reliability of our cognitive faculties is itself an unsupported assumption — his evolutionary argument against naturalism contends that unguided evolution gives us no reason to expect our belief-forming faculties to track truth at all.13 Whether one accepts the Plantingian reply or not, the point is that the Cartesian move is not refuted by the modern fashion against it; it is contested.
2.3 The Cogito
At the bottom of the doubt, Descartes finds something he cannot doubt:
“I think, therefore I am.” (Je pense, donc je suis) — René Descartes, Discourse on the Method, Part IV14
The Latin formula cogito, ergo sum appears in Descartes’ Principles of Philosophy (1644, Part I, §7), not in the Meditations. In the Meditations on First Philosophy (the later, more rigorous work), the formulation is different: “I am, I exist” — ego sum, ego existo — which Descartes says “is necessarily true whenever it is put forward by me or conceived in my mind” (Meditation II).
The act of doubting itself proves there is a doubter. Even if the demon is deceiving me, there must be a me being deceived. The very act of thinking — including doubting — proves existence.
Descartes treats this as the unshakeable foundation: I exist as a thinking thing. Everything else is rebuilt from here.
But the cogito raises its own problems:
- Does “I think” already smuggle in the assumption of an “I”? Lichtenberg argued that all Descartes can know is that there is thinking, not that I am doing it.15
- If the cogito is the only certainty, it is remarkably thin. What can you build on “I exist as a thinking thing”?
- Hume later argued that when he introspected to find the “I”, he never caught anything — only a bundle of perceptions. There is no unified self.16
2.4 Responses to Radical Skepticism
Philosophers have not simply accepted that we know nothing — this would be a strange response from people whose entire professional existence depends on the possibility of knowing things. Several responses follow. The textbook habit is to list them as a buffet; this obscures that they are doing very different things. Some try to refute the sceptic on the sceptic’s own terms (Moore, Putnam’s externalist argument). Some try to change the subject — to show, with Wittgenstein, that the sceptic’s question is not the question it appeared to be. Some accept and deflate the sceptic’s conclusion (the pragmatists). Barry Stroud and Michael Williams have argued, in different ways, that these are not interchangeable moves and that the sceptic’s apparent grip depends on theoretical commitments we are free to reject.17
Moore’s common sense (G.E. Moore, “Proof of an External World”, 1939): Moore held up his hand and said: “Here is one hand. Here is another. Therefore external things exist.”18 This seems ludicrous as a philosophical argument, but Moore’s point was that the certainty of the external world is more certain than any philosophical argument against it. If philosophy leads to the conclusion that hands don’t exist, the conclusion is wrong, not the hands.
Wittgenstein on hinges: In On Certainty, Wittgenstein argues that some beliefs function as hinge propositions — they are not things we test against evidence, but the framework within which testing happens at all. “The Earth has existed for a long time” is not a hypothesis I entertain. It is a hinge. Doubting it isn’t possible inside a normal form of life. The sceptic’s mistake is demanding that hinges be supported by something else.
Externalism (Hilary Putnam): Interestingly, Putnam — who introduced the brain-in-a-vat scenario — also argued that if you were a brain in a vat, your word “vat” wouldn’t even refer to real vats (since all your experience of “vat” comes from the simulation). This is a subtle semantic argument that the scenario may be self-undermining.
Pragmatism: William James and John Dewey argued that the question “am I really perceiving the external world?” is meaningless if it makes no practical difference. The sceptical hypothesis, by design, makes no predictions different from ordinary realism. A proposition with no practical consequences is no proposition at all.19
Zhuangzi’s butterfly dream (Zhuangzi, Book II, “Discussion on Making All Things Equal,” ~4th c. BCE): “Once Zhuangzi dreamt he was a butterfly, a butterfly flitting and fluttering around, happy with himself and doing as he pleased. He didn’t know he was Zhuangzi. Suddenly he woke up and there he was, solid and unmistakable Zhuangzi. But he didn’t know if he was Zhuangzi who had dreamt he was a butterfly, or a butterfly dreaming he was Zhuangzi. Between Zhuangzi and a butterfly there must be some distinction! This is called the Transformation of Things.”20 Zhuangzi raises the same scenario Descartes will raise two thousand years later but draws a different conclusion: not “doubt everything until something certain remains,” but “the demand for a vantage-point above the dreaming and the waking is itself the mistake.” On the Zhuangzian reading the sceptic and Moore are both committed to a perspective from which the question can be settled — and the genuine philosophical move is to notice that no such perspective is available. Whether this is closer to Wittgenstein’s hinge-position or to a third option that neither of the Western moves names is itself worth arguing about.
2.5 What is Left to Know?
Descartes’ inquiry doesn’t leave us with nothing. It leaves us with a precise map of what we can and cannot justify:
- The existence of our own mental states (certainty)
- Mathematical and logical truths (highly certain, but vulnerable to demon scenarios)
- The existence and nature of the external world (not directly justified from the inside)
The limits of Cartesian doubt mark the boundary between knowledge that survives the demon scenario (one’s own mental states, at minimum; perhaps mathematics; perhaps the cogito) and knowledge that does not (the external world, other minds, the past as remembered). That is a substantive map, not a consolation.
2.6 Questions to Argue About
- Could you ever prove — not just assume — that you are not a brain in a vat?
- Is Moore right that common sense certainties should override philosophical arguments? Or does that just refuse to engage with the question?
- Descartes thought the cogito was the one thing immune to doubt. Is it? What assumptions does it rely on?
- If we cannot know whether we’re in a simulation, should that change how we live? Or is the question practically meaningless?
Forced Fork: How Should a Court Treat “Truman Show Delusion”?
Return to the case above: a defendant in a serious criminal trial sincerely claims that his life is staged, that other people are actors, and that his alleged acts took place in what he takes to be an elaborate fiction. The clinical literature has now documented dozens of such cases. Neurologists disagree about whether the condition is a failure of the reality-monitoring system or a philosophical position arrived at under pressure. You are a judge deciding whether the defendant’s belief is relevant to mens rea.
Position A (the scepticism is genuinely philosophical): The court cannot refute the defendant from inside shared experience without begging the question his claim raises. Moore’s “here is one hand” doesn’t move a sincere Cartesian sceptic; Wittgenstein’s “hinge propositions” describe how practice works rather than refute the doubt. The defendant’s holding is intellectually serious; whether the court should act on it is separate.
Position B (the scepticism is a pseudo-problem): Some beliefs are hinges — the framework within which doubt is possible, not propositions doubt can coherently target. The defendant has not reasoned his way into Cartesianism; he is occupying a failure state of the reality-monitoring mechanism. The court should treat the belief as a competence question, not a philosophical objection.
Choose one. Position A must say what a court is supposed to do against a defendant whose scepticism is epistemically legitimate. Position B must say what distinguishes a hinge proposition from an arbitrarily protected dogma.
3 What is truth?
“What is truth?” — Pontius Pilate asked the question and didn’t wait for the answer. He may have been wiser than he looked. Everyone wants to know the truth. Politicians say they’re speaking it. Scientists claim to discover it. Courts try to establish it. But what is truth? The answers are genuinely incompatible.
Theranos and What “Working” Truth Looked Like
In 2003 the 19-year-old Stanford dropout Elizabeth Holmes founded Theranos, a Palo Alto company promising to perform more than 200 blood tests from a single fingerprick using a proprietary device named “Edison.”21 By 2015 the company was valued at roughly $9 billion; Holmes appeared on the covers of Forbes, Fortune, and Inc.; the board included two former US Secretaries of State (George Shultz and Henry Kissinger), a former Secretary of Defence (William Perry), and a four-star general (James Mattis). Walgreens had rolled out 41 in-store Theranos “Wellness Centers” running blood tests on real patients. The Theranos claim worked, in exactly the sense pragmatists worry about: investors received their valuation, employees received paycheques, regulators issued permits, board members received seats, and the company’s narrative about itself cohered with a wider Silicon Valley story about disruption and youthful genius. The journalist John Carreyrou published the first investigative piece in The Wall Street Journal on 16 October 2015, reporting that the Edison machines did not perform as advertised — most blood tests Theranos ran were in fact performed on third-party Siemens analysers, and the proprietary device produced unreliable results that endangered patients.22 Over 2016–22 correspondence slowly arrived. Walgreens severed the partnership; the SEC charged Holmes with fraud; the company dissolved; Holmes was convicted of four counts of wire fraud on 3 January 2022 and sentenced on 18 November 2022 to 11 years and 3 months in federal prison.23 The case sits at the intersection of all three major theories of truth. The belief that Theranos worked was coherent with the surrounding narrative; it paid, in James’s surface sense, for more than a decade; and it failed correspondence the entire time — there was simply no proprietary technology behind the claim. The geologists, in this case, were Carreyrou and the patients whose blood-test results were wrong.
3.1 The Correspondence Theory
The oldest and most intuitive theory: a statement is true if and only if it corresponds to reality. To say “it is raining” is true just in case it is, in fact, raining.
Aristotle stated this with admirable clarity:
“To say of what is that it is not, or of what is not that it is, is false, while to say of what is that it is, or of what is not that it is not, is true.” — Aristotle, Metaphysics, Book IV, Chapter 724
Truth is about the world fitting the words. A map is accurate when it corresponds to the terrain.
The problems:
- What are the “truth-bearers”? Sentences? Propositions? Thoughts? In different languages, different sentences express the same truth — so the truth-maker must be something language-independent.
- What is the “correspondence relation” exactly? It can’t be resemblance (the word “cat” doesn’t look like a cat). Correspondence turns out to be difficult to cash out precisely.
- How does correspondence work for abstract truths? “7 is prime” corresponds to what, exactly, in physical reality?
3.2 The Coherence Theory
Rather than asking whether a belief corresponds to external reality, the coherence theory says: a belief is true if it coheres with a system of beliefs. Truth is internal consistency within a web.
This sounds strange, but it has a serious motivation: we never have direct access to reality independent of our beliefs. All our evidence for the world comes through our perceptual, conceptual, and theoretical frameworks. There is no “view from nowhere.” So the only available criterion of truth is whether beliefs hang together.
F.H. Bradley and later Bernard Bosanquet (British Idealists, late 19th century) developed this view.25 It is also reflected in Neurath’s “ship” metaphor: we are always rebuilding the ship of knowledge while at sea. We cannot put every plank on dry land at once.26
The problem: Two incompatible and internally coherent belief systems could both be “true” by this criterion. The theory seems to give up on the idea that truth is uniquely tied to reality.
3.3 The Pragmatic Theory
William James (1907) proposed a radical alternative: a belief is true if it works — if believing it is useful, if it “pays” in terms of practical experience.
“The true is only the expedient in our way of thinking, just as the right is only the expedient in our way of behaving.” — William James, Pragmatism, Lecture VI27
This has a democratic, anti-elitist feel: truth is not some mystical correspondence with a Platonic realm, but a practical instrument for navigating experience. The truth of “water is \(\mathrm{H_2O}\)” consists in the countless successful predictions and interventions that belief enables.
The problem: It seems possible for a false belief to be useful. Believing you are invincible might help you win a fight (briefly). And some truths seem useless or actively harmful in the short term. Is truth really just usefulness?
3.4 Tarski’s Semantic Definition
The 20th century produced a more technically precise approach. Alfred Tarski, in “The Concept of Truth in Formalized Languages” (1933), proposed the semantic definition of truth:28
“Snow is white” is true if and only if snow is white.
This seems trivially obvious — almost a joke. But Tarski’s point is that any theory of truth must at minimum satisfy this schema: the sentence on the left is true iff the state of affairs on the right obtains. He called this the T-schema. What makes it powerful is that it prevents paradoxes like the Liar by carefully distinguishing between a language and the meta-language we use to talk about it.
Tarski’s definition is deflationary: it doesn’t tell you what truth is beyond this biconditional. Modern deflationary (or minimalist) theories of truth argue this is all that needs to be said — there is no deep metaphysical property of “truth” beyond what the T-schema captures.
3.5 The Liar Paradox and Self-Reference
[VERIFY: unanchored — suggest anchoring Tarski hierarchy claim to Tarski, “The Concept of Truth in Formalized Languages” (1933), repr. in Logic, Semantics, Metamathematics (Oxford 1956), §1; the Epimenides version traces to Titus 1:12, but the paradox proper is usually attributed to Eubulides of Miletus (Diogenes Laertius II.108)]
Any discussion of truth must confront the Liar: This sentence is false.
If the sentence is true, it is false. If false, it is true. The paradox was known to the ancient Greeks (attributed to Epimenides: “All Cretans are liars,” supposedly said by a Cretan). It shows that unrestricted truth-talk leads to contradiction.
Tarski’s response: a language cannot contain its own truth predicate without contradiction. We need a hierarchy of languages. This is technically satisfying but philosophically strange: it means there is no single language in which we can say everything.
3.6 Questions to Argue About
- Can there be more than one “true” account of an event? (Multiple witnesses, different but equally accurate perspectives?) Is this coherentism, or just multiple truths?
- Is the pragmatic theory of truth just confusing truth with usefulness? Or does James have a point?
- Does it matter, for practical purposes, which theory of truth is correct? Or is this a purely academic dispute?
- If the Liar paradox cannot be fully resolved, does that mean logic has limits? (Preview of the Logic unit on Gödel.)
Forced Fork: Was Theranos True for Its Investors?
The case is in the info-box above. From 2003 to 2015, the Theranos claim — that the Edison device performed accurate blood tests from a single fingerprick — paid: investors put in roughly $700 million, the company was valued at $9 billion, the board filled with former Secretaries of State, Walgreens rolled out in-store Wellness Centers. Pragmatist William James said a true belief is one that “pays by the way.” Was his account satisfied here, or refuted? (The earlier Cardiff Giant hoax of 1869 — a planted gypsum statue mistaken for a petrified biblical giant — has the same logical shape and is the textbook precursor.)
Position A (correspondence, with Carreyrou): The Theranos belief was false the whole time — before, during, and after it was paying. The Edison machines never reliably worked; the patient blood-test results were unreliable from the start. What makes a belief false is not its eventual collapse but its failure to correspond to fact. James’s criterion confuses what truth is for (guiding action) with what truth is (matching the world). A maximally useful false belief is still false.
Position B (pragmatist, against the naïve reading): James did not mean that any working belief is true; he meant a belief pays by the way only if it survives the full course of inquiry — including investigative journalists and patient outcomes. The Theranos belief was always going to crash; when it did, it was revealed as never having paid. The correspondence theorist still owes an account of what “matching the world” amounts to that does not beg the question.
Choose one. Position A must say what the matching relation actually consists in. Position B must distinguish Theranos from a long-surviving religious belief — does survival entail truth on your view, or does some further criterion divide them?
4 Can we trust our senses?
Look at a stick standing in a glass of water. It bends at the surface. The history of philosophy and psychology is two and a half millennia of asking what to make of that. The question is not whether perception can go wrong — it can — but what that implies for knowledge.
The Dress and the Neuroscience of Colour Perception
In February 2015, a photograph of a dress posted on Tumblr became one of the most viral images in internet history. Roughly half of viewers saw the dress as white and gold; the other half saw it as blue and black. The garment itself was definitively blue and black. Vision scientists quickly established that the disagreement arose from different individuals’ unconscious assumptions about the ambient light source illuminating the dress: those whose visual cortex inferred a warm yellowish light source subtracted that colour and saw blue/black; those who inferred a cool blueish source saw white/gold.29 What was remarkable was not that different people made different perceptual errors, but that the disagreement was absolute and involuntary — it could not be resolved by closer inspection or by argument. Russell’s discussion of the sense-data of a table had always seemed abstract; the dress made it immediate. Two people standing side by side, looking at the same pixel values on the same screen, were having what appeared to be entirely different visual experiences, with neither able simply to will themselves into the other’s perception.
4.1 The Müller-Lyer Illusion
Look at two lines of equal length, one ending in inward-pointing arrowheads (<–>) and one in outward-pointing arrowheads (>–<). The second looks longer. Measure them: they are identical. Now look again. It still looks longer. This is the Müller-Lyer illusion, described by Franz Carl Müller-Lyer in 1889.30
The Müller-Lyer illusion is useful not because it’s surprising but because it is persistent. Knowing the truth does not correct the perception. This is important: our sensory systems are not updated by our rational beliefs.
Our perceptual systems are not passive recorders; they are active interpreters, using context, angles, and prior assumptions to construct our experience of the world. The brain “fills in” and “edits” constantly. The perception you have is never a raw image — it is a processed representation.
4.2 Russell’s Table
Bertrand Russell opens The Problems of Philosophy (1912) by asking you to look at a table. You might say the table is brown. But the colour you see depends on the lighting. The shape looks different from different angles. The texture changes depending on your distance from it.
“It becomes evident that the real table, if there is one, is not the same as what we immediately experience by sight or touch or hearing.” — Bertrand Russell, The Problems of Philosophy, Chapter 131
Russell distinguishes between sense-data (what we directly experience — patches of colour, sounds, sensations) and physical objects (the supposed real things causing those experiences). We never directly perceive physical objects. We only ever perceive sense-data.
Russell’s distinction creates the problem of the external world: if all I ever directly experience is my own sense-data, how do I know there is a world of physical objects behind it? How do I know the table persists when no one is looking?
George Berkeley (1685–1753) drew the radical conclusion: esse est percipi — to be is to be perceived. There are no physical objects independent of perception; there is only God and minds and their ideas.32 Samuel Johnson, walking with Boswell in 1763, kicked a large stone and said “I refute it thus.” Berkeley’s defenders reply that the kick produces a sensation of pain — which Berkeley never denied — but that nothing in the kick proves there is anything behind the sensation. Berkeley’s critics reply that mind-independent objects are the simplest hypothesis explaining the regularity, intersubjectivity, and predictability of perception (why do unwatched apples rot the way they do? why do other observers report the same readings I do, even when their interests would have inclined them to report otherwise?). Berkeley’s own reply to that — that God’s perception sustains the world in our absence — is the move on which the whole position stands or falls. Whether the position can be refuted without already assuming the mind-independent existence the position denies is one of those disputes that survives every attempt to settle it.
4.3 Locke’s Primary and Secondary Qualities
John Locke (An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, 1689) offered a more moderate response. He distinguished:33
- Primary qualities: features of objects that are genuinely in the objects themselves — size, shape, number, motion, solidity. These ideas in our minds resemble how things really are.
- Secondary qualities: features that exist in the object only as powers to produce sensations in us — colour, sound, taste, smell, temperature. The redness of a tomato is not in the tomato in the way its spherical shape is. The redness is how the tomato’s surface reflectance hits our visual system.
Is the pain in your foot, or in your brain? Locke’s distinction between primary and secondary qualities is related: the sensation is in you; the stimulus is out there.
Modern science reflects this split: physics describes the world in terms of mass, charge, and position — not colour, taste, or beauty. Those are things minds add.
The problem with Locke: Berkeley immediately objected that we have no reason to trust primary qualities either. If colour is in the mind, what makes shape any different? The “resemblance” between our idea of shape and the shape itself cannot be verified, since we can only compare ideas with ideas, never ideas with things-as-they-are.
4.4 The Reliability of Perception
Contemporary philosophy of perception divides into several camps:
- Naive realism (direct realism): we directly perceive physical objects, not intermediaries. The stick in water is straight; we just misjudge it.
- Representationalism: we perceive internal mental representations of the world. The question is whether those representations are reliable.
- Disjunctivism: genuine perception (of a real object) and hallucination are fundamentally different kinds of mental states, even if they feel the same from the inside.
The trichotomy is a useful first map, but it can mislead. Disjunctivism is not a “third way” between naive realism and representationalism in the manner of a compromise; it is a structural disagreement about what kind of state perceiving even is.
In “Criteria, Defeasibility, and Knowledge” (1982), McDowell argues that the sceptic’s argument trades on a hidden assumption — that perception and hallucination share a “highest common factor” — and once that assumption goes, the argument loses its grip. So which view is right is not just a question about perception; it is downstream of how the sceptical problem is set up in the first place.34
Perception is strongly shaped by expectation, culture, and attention. Classic psychological experiments show we miss things we’re not looking for (the gorilla in the basketball video — Simons & Chabris, 1999).35 We see what we expect to see.
4.5 Questions to Argue About
- If illusions persist even when we know the truth, what does that say about the relationship between perception and belief?
- Locke says primary qualities are in the object; secondary qualities are in the mind. Is this distinction stable? Can you defend it against Berkeley’s attack?
- Does it matter for daily life whether we are directly perceiving the world or representing it? Or is this a distinction without a practical difference?
- If different species perceive the world very differently (dogs smell what we can’t; bats echolocate), which perception is “correct”? Is there a fact of the matter about what the world “really” looks like?
Forced Fork: What Did “The Dress” (2015) Actually Show?
Return to the viral case from earlier in the lesson: a single photograph of a dress that some viewers saw as blue-and-black and others as white-and-gold, with neither group able to persuade the other. Neuroscientists eventually traced the divergence to different default assumptions about the ambient light source under which the photograph was taken. Same photons; different percepts. The question is what this tells us about the structure of perception.
Position A (qualified direct realism): The Dress is a marginal case from an unusually ambiguous image; it does not generalise. In ordinary cases observers agree because they directly perceive the same object. The right inference is that the visual system handles illumination ambiguity and occasionally fails — not that all perception is mediated by representations.
Position B (representationalism): The Dress is not marginal; it is a clean public instance of something that always happens. Perception is the brain’s best inference from sensory evidence under prior assumptions. Usually the assumptions are stable enough that observers agree and we call the agreement “direct perception” — but the Dress shows the agreement is generated by convergent priors, not by direct contact.
Choose one. Position A must say where the line falls between “marginal failure case” and “standard perception,” given the same visual system is doing the same inference in both. Position B must say how the view avoids Berkeley’s idealism — what work the external world does in the brain’s representational system.
5 Why should I believe what others tell me?
Take an honest inventory. You “know” that Antarctica exists, that Caesar crossed the Rubicon, that Sirius is a star, that your birthday is the date written on your passport, that the medication on the chemist’s shelf is what the label says it is. Almost none of this knowledge is yours by direct acquaintance. You have it because somebody told you — a teacher, a parent, a textbook, a stranger in a uniform, an anonymous Wikipedia editor, a journalist you have never met. Strip out everything you accepted on someone else’s word, and what survives would not get you through breakfast. The question is whether testimony — being told that p — is a genuine source of knowledge in its own right, on a par with seeing it for yourself, or whether everything you took on trust is, strictly speaking, a lower-grade currency that needs to be earned back by independent inference.
Jennifer Thompson and Ronald Cotton
In July 1984, Jennifer Thompson, a twenty-two-year-old undergraduate in Burlington, North Carolina, was raped at knifepoint in her apartment. During the assault she made a deliberate decision to study her attacker’s face — the eyes, the hairline, distinguishing marks — so that she could identify him afterwards. Within days she picked Ronald Cotton out of a photo array and then again out of a physical line-up; she was, she later said, certain. Her testimony was the central evidence at trial. Cotton was convicted, the conviction was overturned on appeal, he was retried, convicted again, and served ten and a half years. In 1995, DNA testing exonerated him. The actual rapist was Bobby Poole, a man Cotton had told the court about during his second trial, and whom Thompson had once seen in a courtroom and not recognised.36 Two questions sit on top of one another in this case. The first is forensic: how could a witness who tried so hard to remember be so wrong? The second is philosophical: what exactly was the jury doing when it convicted? It was being told something by someone who sincerely believed she knew, and treating that report as knowledge — without (and almost certainly unable to construct) the independent verification that would have shown the report to be false. The Cotton case is now on the syllabus of every American law school as a warning about eyewitness identification; it belongs equally on the syllabus of any course in epistemology.
5.1 Testimony as a Source
Jennifer Nagel observes that “many of our prized possessions come to us second-hand.”37 The technical term is testimony: someone tells you something, in speech or writing, and the content of what they say plays a special role in what you take from the exchange. (You overhear a friend say “I have a hoarse voice” and hear that the voice is hoarse — that is perception. You read in a newspaper that there has been an earthquake in Turkey — that is testimony.) Testimony so understood is the load-bearing source for almost everything we know about history, geography, science we did not personally do, and the lives of everyone we have not personally observed. Robert Audi puts the structural point bluntly: “If perception, memory, consciousness, and reason are our primary individual sources of knowledge and justification, testimony from others is our primary social source of them.”38 The philosophical question is whether testimony is another basic source — like perception — or whether it is at best a derivative source, parasitic on the others.
5.2 Reductionism: The Hume Position
The reductionist holds that there is no special epistemic credit attached to being told. When you accept what someone says, you must (in principle) be able to back the acceptance with independent evidence about the speaker’s reliability — past track-record, internal coherence, plausibility against your own observation. Testimony reduces to perception, memory, and inference; it adds nothing of its own. The classical reductionist text is Hume’s Enquiry, §X “Of Miracles,” where he is forced to defend the position in the hardest case — testimony to a violation of natural law — but states the underlying epistemology as a general claim:
“A wise man, therefore, proportions his belief to the evidence. […] our assurance in any argument [from testimony] is derived from no other principle than our observation of the veracity of human testimony, and of the usual conformity of facts to the reports of witnesses.” — David Hume, Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding §X.4–539
Strong consequence (Hume’s main target): “no testimony is sufficient to establish a miracle, unless the testimony be of such a kind, that its falsehood would be more miraculous, than the fact, which it endeavours to establish.”40 Locke had taken a similar but more general line a century earlier: testimony, however well-supported, falls short of knowledge because it is at best probable, never certain. Strictly speaking, on the Lockean account, you do not know where you were born, that George Washington existed, or that Antarctica exists — you have only “highly probable opinion” about all three.41
5.3 Anti-Reductionism: The Reid Position
The anti-reductionist holds that testimony is a basic source — like perception — operating with a default of acceptance, not a default of suspicion. We do not, and could not, derive trust in others’ words from prior independent evidence; we begin with credulity, and reasons are required to reject a piece of testimony, not to accept it. The locus classicus is Thomas Reid’s “principle of credulity”:
“The wise and beneficent Author of nature, who intended that we should be social creatures, and that we should receive the greatest and most important part of our knowledge by the information of others, hath, for these purposes, implanted in our natures two principles that tally with each other. […] Another original principle implanted in us by the Supreme Being, is a disposition to confide in the veracity of others, and to believe what they tell us. […] we shall, for want of a more proper name, call this the principle of credulity. It is unlimited in children, until they meet with instances of deceit and falsehood: and it retains a very considerable degree of strength through life.” — Thomas Reid, An Inquiry into the Human Mind, Chapter VI, Section 2442
The most influential modern argument for the Reidian position is C. A. J. Coady’s: pure reductionism is self-undermining. To assemble the case for trusting testimony in general, one would need a vast independent track-record — but most of one’s evidence about that track-record is itself testimonial (history books, reports of others’ observations, experimental results one has not personally re-run). The reductionist programme cannot get off the ground without already trusting the source it claims to reduce.43 The anti-reductionist conclusion: testimony is on epistemic par with perception. Default acceptance is rational; the burden of proof is on doubt.
5.4 Testimonial Injustice
A separate but connected pathology, identified by Miranda Fricker (Epistemic Injustice, 2007), sits inside the Reidian default itself. Even where credibility should be granted, hearers withhold it on the basis of prejudice about the speaker’s identity. Fricker calls this testimonial injustice: a wrong done to someone in their capacity as a knower.44 Her central example: a Black man stopped by police in 1970s America gives an account of events; he is disbelieved not because his account is implausible but because his race activates a prejudice that deflates his credibility in the listener’s mind. He suffers a double wrong — the original injury and the epistemic wrong of not being credited as a source of testimony about his own life. The structural point is that testimony does not merely succeed or fail piece by piece; it operates inside a credibility economy in which some speakers are systematically discounted and others systematically overweighted. Whichever side of the Hume/Reid dispute you take, testimonial injustice is a real phenomenon — for the reductionist, a discrimination in how the inferential checklist is applied; for the anti-reductionist, a corruption of the default itself. Fricker’s companion category, hermeneutical injustice, bears on shared conceptual resources rather than on the credibility of individual speakers.
5.5 Questions to Argue About
- Hume’s miracle argument in §X is reductionism applied to the hardest case. Does the argument require general reductionism about testimony, or is it consistent with Reid’s credulity principle plus a specific defeater for “miraculous” reports? Read Hume §X.13 (“the plain consequence is […] that no testimony is sufficient to establish a miracle”) and decide.
- Coady argues that reductionism is self-undermining: you cannot independently verify enough of the testimonial record to ground a general trust in testimony. Is this a fatal objection, or can a local reductionism (case-by-case checking) avoid it?
- Suppose Reid is right and we have a default propensity to believe what we are told. Does this principle apply equally to your parents, to a stranger asking for directions, to an anonymous Wikipedia editor, to an advertisement, and to a chatbot? If not, on what grounds do you draw the lines — and is that drawing-of-lines just reductionism with extra steps?
- Fricker’s testimonial injustice presupposes that there is a “right” amount of credibility owed to a speaker, against which under-crediting is a wrong. Where does that owed amount come from? Is it Hume’s evidence-proportional measure or Reid’s default-acceptance, and does Fricker’s argument work better on one of the two?
Forced Fork: What Was the Burlington Jury Doing?
Return to the Cotton case from the info-box. Jennifer Thompson testified, with full confidence, that Ronald Cotton was the man who raped her. The jury convicted. Years later, DNA evidence proved her wrong. Two interpretations of what the jury did are available, and they correspond exactly to the two positions above.
Position A (Hume: the jury was doing reductionism and got the inference wrong): The jury should have weighed Thompson’s testimony against the antecedent probability of identification error, the suggestive line-up procedure, repeated exposure to Cotton’s image, and the absence of corroborating evidence. Treating her certainty as itself a reason to convict was reductionism failing at the inferential step. Reductionism, properly executed, would have acquitted Cotton.
Position B (Reid: the jury was doing anti-reductionism, correctly by its own standards): No jury can independently verify the testimonial channel before granting it weight. Thompson was sincere; the rebutting conditions known to a 1984 jury were not present; the default of acceptance was rational given the defeaters then identifiable. The case argues for refining the defeater set in light of cognitive psychology (cross-racial identification fragility, line-up suggestion, confidence-inflation), not for abandoning the default.
Choose one. Position A must say what positive evidence about Thompson’s reliability any actual courtroom could have supplied. Position B must say how the Reidian default avoids collapsing into “believe whatever a confident speaker tells you” without effectively reintroducing reductionism by another name.
6 What is intuition — and can it count as knowledge?
You see someone’s face and immediately know they are angry. You sit down to a maths problem and — before you’ve done any calculation — you “feel” the answer is around 500. You’re at a dinner party and something about the other guest makes you uneasy, though you couldn’t say why. These are all called “intuitions” — though already the noun is doing too much work, since the three cases involve quite different cognitive processes. The chapter that follows treats them under one heading because they share the phenomenology of immediacy, but stay alert to the lump: Kant’s a priori, Klein’s expert pattern-recognition under feedback, and Kahneman’s System 1 are all called “intuition” and are not the same thing. Philosophers disagree about whether each of these is a cognitive achievement or a cognitive trap, and the answers come out differently by case.
Captain Sullenberger and the Hudson River Landing
On 15 January 2009 at 15:27 EST, US Airways Flight 1549 — an Airbus A320 with 155 people aboard — was climbing out of New York’s LaGuardia airport for Charlotte. Three minutes after takeoff, at about 2,800 feet, the aircraft struck a flock of Canada geese; both engines lost thrust within seconds.45 Captain Chesley Sullenberger and First Officer Jeffrey Skiles had no specific precedent: a dual-engine bird-strike below 3,000 feet, in winter, over the most densely populated air corridor in the United States. Sullenberger had perhaps 30 seconds between the bird strike and the moment he had to decide that no airport was reachable. He turned the aircraft south, kept the wings level, abandoned engine-restart attempts he had already, by some other process, judged irrecoverable, and chose the Hudson River. He landed without flaps fully deployed, with both engines off, in 4 °C water. All 155 survived. In the NTSB hearings and in his memoir Highest Duty (2009), Sullenberger described the decision as one in which deliberate analysis would have been too slow: he had to act on what he knew without first articulating what he knew.46 Subsequent NTSB simulator runs showed that pilots told the scenario in advance and instructed to attempt a return to LaGuardia did sometimes succeed — but only when given information Sullenberger could not have had at the moment of decision: that the engines were definitively gone, that the descent profile would fail any return, that no other runway lay at the right glide angle. Sullenberger had to know these things in real time, before any of them was verified. The cognitive psychologist Gary Klein had spent the previous twenty years studying exactly this kind of decision-making — among firefighters, military commanders, neonatal nurses — and called it recognition-primed decision-making: rapid pattern-matching against a deep store of prior cases, perceiving when the situation in front of you does not match what it should match.47 The Hudson landing is the public, named, and consequential test of whether Kant was right that some knowledge arrives independently of inference, and whether Merleau-Ponty’s claim about embodied cognition describes not exotic philosophy but the ordinary life of any competent professional under pressure.
6.1 Kant and A Priori Knowledge
Immanuel Kant made one of the most important distinctions in epistemology: between knowledge that comes from experience (a posteriori knowledge) and knowledge that is independent of experience (a priori knowledge).48
“\(2 + 2 = 4\)” is a priori: you don’t need to go count things to know it. But Kant argued that some a priori knowledge is synthetic — it adds information about the world, not just unpacking definitions. The laws of Euclidean geometry were his central example. These, Kant thought, were conditions that the human mind imposes on experience, rather than reading off it.
The deeper point: Kant believed the mind is not a blank slate that receives impressions passively. It actively structures experience using categories (causation, substance) and forms of intuition (space and time). These are not learned — they are the conditions for any experience at all. They are built in.
Kant is not being mystical. He is making a specific philosophical claim: some knowledge does not need empirical justification because it constitutes the framework within which empirical justification operates. Whether Kant is right about the details is contested. Whether the category of a priori knowledge is real is also contested, though less widely: Quine’s “Two Dogmas of Empiricism” (1951) argues that even apparent a priori truths are merely the most entrenched beliefs in our web — beliefs we would give up last but could in principle give up.
6.2 Moral Intuitions: Rawls’ Reflective Equilibrium
In A Theory of Justice (1971), John Rawls described a method for moral reasoning he called reflective equilibrium (§9).49 The idea: we start with our pre-theoretical moral intuitions — the strong sense that torturing children for fun is wrong, that people should not be punished for crimes they didn’t commit. These intuitions are data. We then construct general principles that accommodate as many of them as possible. Where the principles and intuitions conflict, we revise — sometimes the principle, sometimes the intuition.
“We can think of the original position as a device of representation.” — John Rawls, Political Liberalism, Lecture I (“Fundamental Ideas”)50
Rawls is treating moral intuitions as evidence. Not infallible evidence — intuitions can be culturally biased, historically contingent, or the product of prejudice. But evidence nonetheless. This is different from saying intuitions are just feelings to be explained away by science.
The Trolley Problem (see Ethics unit) works precisely because our intuitions give incompatible verdicts: we feel pulling the lever is permissible, but pushing a fat man off a bridge to stop the trolley feels like murder, even though the arithmetic of consequences is identical. Intuitions are tracking something — but what?
6.3 Expert Intuition: Kahneman’s System 1
Daniel Kahneman (Thinking, Fast and Slow, 2011) distinguishes between:51
- System 1: fast, automatic, intuitive, unconscious processing. It recognises patterns instantly.
- System 2: slow, deliberate, analytical, conscious reasoning.
Kahneman’s point: System 1 is often right, but for specific reasons. A chess grandmaster who “sees” the right move after a glance is not guessing. She is pattern-matching against tens of thousands of hours of encoded experience. Naturalistic Decision Making research (Gary Klein) shows that expert firefighters, nurses, and pilots routinely make excellent rapid decisions that they cannot fully articulate.52
But System 1 is also the source of cognitive biases: the availability heuristic, anchoring, the representativeness heuristic. Intuitions fail systematically in predictable ways — when situations are novel, when feedback is delayed, when patterns are statistically misleading.
Intuition is reliable when it is trained expert intuition in a regular domain with good feedback. It is unreliable in novel, high-stakes, or complex statistical domains. The question is: which kind of intuition do we have when we think we “just know” something in ethics, or philosophy, or everyday life?
6.4 Intuition in Mathematics and Science
Many mathematicians describe their work as guided by aesthetic intuition — a sense of which conjectures are worth pursuing, which approaches feel elegant. Henri Poincaré described working on a difficult problem, then boarding a bus, and at the exact moment his foot touched the step, the solution appearing fully formed:
“The ideas rose in crowds; I felt them collide until pairs interlocked, so to speak, making a stable combination.” — Henri Poincaré, Science and Method (1908), Part II, Chapter III (“Mathematical Discovery”)53
Physicists describe similar experiences. Einstein said that the general theory of relativity emerged from a “thought experiment” — intuitive visualisation — before the mathematics was worked out. The mathematical proof came after the intuition.
If intuition can be a source of knowledge in mathematics — a domain supposedly defined by rigorous proof — then the relationship between intuition and justification is more complicated than the textbook picture suggests.
6.5 Embodied Knowing: Merleau-Ponty
The accounts above — Kant’s a priori, Rawls’ reflective equilibrium, Kahneman’s System 1 — all treat intuition as something that happens in the mind, even if quickly or unconsciously. Maurice Merleau-Ponty (Phenomenology of Perception, 1945) challenged this picture at its root: knowing is not primarily a mental act. It is a bodily achievement.54
A skilled cyclist does not think about balance — their body maintains it. A violinist does not consciously calculate finger positions — their hands know where to go. Merleau-Ponty’s term is the body schema: a pre-reflective, non-propositional knowledge that the body carries, that cannot be adequately captured as a set of beliefs or rules. When a blind person navigates with a cane, the cane becomes an extension of their body schema — they feel the world through it directly, not by consciously inferring from the pressure in their hand.
This matters for epistemology: it suggests that much of our knowledge of the world is not propositional (not a matter of holding beliefs that are true or false) but practical and embodied — a kind of knowing that cannot be fully translated into the JTB framework. The question “is it justified?” doesn’t quite apply to the cyclist’s balance. Whether this counts as a deficiency in the cyclist’s knowledge or as a limit in the JTB framework is itself contested. Defenders of JTB will say procedural skill is simply not knowledge in the relevant sense — it is ability or competence, distinct from knowledge that; Merleau-Ponty’s heirs will reply that any framework which excludes the bulk of competent action from “knowledge” has shrunk the concept until it no longer fits the human case. Both responses are available; what is not available is treating the JTB-incompatibility as if it settled the question.
6.6 The Evolutionary Roots of Moral Intuition
Kahneman’s System 1 is rapid and pattern-based, but where do the patterns come from? Primatologist Frans de Waal (Primates and Philosophers, 2006; The Age of Empathy, 2009) argues that the roots of human moral intuition go deeper than culture or rational reflection — they are evolutionary:
Capuchin monkeys will refuse a reward (a cucumber slice) if they observe another capuchin receiving a better reward (a grape) for the same task. The refusal is dramatic: they throw the cucumber at the researcher. This is not calculated indignation. It is a visceral response to perceived unfairness — a functional sense of equity in a non-human primate.55
Chimpanzees console distressed companions, share food, reconcile after conflicts, and punish free-riders in cooperative tasks. De Waal’s conclusion: the building blocks of human morality — empathy, fairness, reciprocity, conflict resolution — are not unique to humans. They evolved in social species because they were adaptive.
This has a consequence for how we understand moral intuitions — though it leaves entirely open whether it has any consequence for how we should trust them. They are not arbitrary cultural deposits, and they are not purely rational constructions. They are the elaboration, in a language-using, culturally complex species, of responses that evolution shaped over millions of years because social living required them. When you feel that pushing someone off a bridge to save five people is wrong in a way that pulling a lever is not, you are responding from a deep structure that predates culture. Whether that deep structure justifies the response, however — or merely explains it — is a separate question, and one that the descriptive evolutionary account cannot settle on its own. (To slide from “evolution shaped this response” to “this response is correct” is to commit the naturalistic fallacy: the descriptive premise does not entail the normative conclusion.)
What the evolutionary account does explain is why moral intuitions feel so compelling, and why philosophical theories that ignore them entirely tend to produce conclusions that nobody can actually live by. Whether such conclusions are nevertheless correct is a further matter.
6.7 Questions to Argue About
- Is intuition a form of implicit knowledge, or just a feeling that may or may not track truth?
- Rawls treats moral intuitions as evidence. But intuitions about who counts as a person, or who deserves rights, have been profoundly wrong historically. How do we know which intuitions to trust?
- Kahneman shows that expert intuition is more reliable than novice intuition. Does this mean intuition is ultimately reducible to pattern-matching from experience — or is there something else going on?
- Kant argues that some knowledge is a priori — built into the structure of the mind. Is this the same as intuition, or something different?
- Merleau-Ponty says the body “knows” how to ride a bike without the mind propositionally knowing. Is this the same kind of knowledge as knowing that Paris is the capital of France — or a genuinely different kind? Does the JTB framework apply to it?
- De Waal’s capuchin monkeys refuse unfair treatment. Does this show that a sense of fairness is “natural,” or does it just show that capuchins have learned what behaviour gets them rewards?
Forced Fork: The 18th-Century Slaveholder’s Intuition
Take a fact about the history of moral intuition. In 1750, the overwhelming majority of well-educated Europeans and Americans held the intuition that chattel slavery was, if not entirely good, at any rate morally acceptable. By 1900, this intuition had been almost completely reversed across the same cultures — not because people became more clever but because the framework within which intuitions formed had been changed by argument, religious witness, and the testimony of enslaved people themselves. Now consider a contemporary moral intuition you hold with confidence (anything: the wrongness of eating meat, the priority of free speech, the obligation to refugees). What epistemic weight does it carry, given what the slavery case shows?
Position A (intuitions are evidence, defeasible): The slavery case shows moral knowledge improving by revising earlier intuitions against later ones. Rawls’s reflective equilibrium is exactly this: hold intuitions against principles, revise whichever is weaker. The slaveholder’s intuition was defeasible evidence, defeated by stronger intuitions (from the enslaved) and better principles (universal moral worth). Without intuitions, principles have nothing to test against.
Position B (intuitions are the rationalised outputs of social position; the slavery case is the proof): The slaveholder’s intuition was not evidence for anything moral — it was a socially produced artefact that tracked the intuition-holder’s economic interests and their culture’s complicity. Haidt’s picture is right: the rider rationalises what the elephant has already moved toward. Your contemporary intuitions are doing the same work. To treat intuitions as evidence is to treat the outputs of socially-produced bias as data that can test socially-produced theories — a closed loop. Moral reasoning should be principled and critical, not intuition-validating.
Choose one. If you pick A, propose a test: what distinguishes the 18th-century slaveholder’s intuition from your intuitions about which contemporary practices are outrageous? If you pick B, explain how you would do any moral reasoning at all without intuitions — what do principles answer to, once intuitions are struck out?
7 How does shared knowledge differ from personal knowledge?
By 1955, internal documents would later show, the major American tobacco companies privately knew that cigarettes caused cancer. The scientific community had settled the claim by the same date. For another thirty years, “tobacco causes cancer” did not function as common public knowledge in American life. The example forces a definitional question: does “shared knowledge” mean knowledge held in common among those competent to evaluate it (the narrow reading), or knowledge functioning as part of a community’s working understanding of itself (the broad reading)? The two readings give different verdicts on the tobacco case. With that flagged: how does personal knowledge become shared in either sense? What makes collective knowledge reliable? And who counts as a knower?
Tobacco Industry Documents and the Manufacture of Doubt
By 1950, two large case-control studies — Wynder and Graham’s 684-case series in the JAMA and Doll and Hill’s matched study in the British Medical Journal — had independently linked cigarette smoking to lung cancer; in 1954 Doll and Hill’s prospective British Doctors Study confirmed the association in a cohort followed forward in time, and the basic causal claim was treated by epidemiologists from that point on as established.56 On 4 January 1954 the major American tobacco companies responded by publishing “A Frank Statement to Cigarette Smokers” in 448 newspapers, pledging to investigate honestly any health concerns about cigarettes and insisting that the existing evidence was genuinely contested.57 Internal industry documents released through the 1998 Master Settlement Agreement litigation showed that the companies’ own scientists had reached the opposite conclusion. A 1969 Brown & Williamson memorandum titled “Smoking and Health Proposal” stated bluntly that “doubt is our product, since it is the best means of competing with the ‘body of fact’ that exists in the mind of the general public” and recommended “establishing a controversy” as the strategic objective.58 In line with this, the industry funded fringe researchers, flooded scientific and popular outlets with contradictory studies, and ensured that no clear public consensus could be announced. Historians of science Naomi Oreskes and Erik Conway documented in Merchants of Doubt (2010) how the same network of scientists and PR operatives later applied an identical strategy to acid rain, the ozone hole, and climate change.59 What the tobacco case reveals, with unusual clarity, is that the public uptake of scientific knowledge is not simply the accumulation of individual discoveries — it is a social achievement that can be systematically attacked. Popper’s falsifiability criterion was never offered as a sociology of how science diffuses into public life; it is a logical criterion of demarcation. But the tobacco strategy exploited the very features — openness, tolerance of dissent, commitment to further inquiry — that make scientific institutions trustworthy when they are working properly, and any account of shared knowledge therefore needs to do work that Popper’s criterion alone does not.
7.1 Popper’s Falsifiability and the Mark of Shared Knowledge
Karl Popper (The Logic of Scientific Discovery, 1934; Conjectures and Refutations, 1963) proposed that what distinguishes science from non-science is falsifiability: a claim is scientific if and only if it specifies what evidence would count against it. A theory that can explain any possible observation is not scientific — it is unfalsifiable.60
Einstein’s general theory of relativity predicted that starlight would bend around the sun — a precise, quantitative, risky prediction. Eddington’s 1919 eclipse observations confirmed it.61 But crucially: the theory could have been disconfirmed. That is what makes it science.
Popper’s criterion is a criterion for shared knowledge: falsifiable claims are in principle checkable by anyone, anywhere, with the right equipment. They are public. They are repeatable. They are open to criticism.
Popper was reacting against Freudian psychoanalysis and Marxist historical theory — he felt they could “explain” anything that happened, which meant they explained nothing. Compare this to a genuine scientific prediction that risks being wrong.
By contrast: “Everything happens for a reason” or “God loves you” may be deeply meaningful as personal knowledge, but they are unfalsifiable — no observation could disconfirm them. This doesn’t make them false or worthless. It makes them a different kind of claim.
7.2 The Wikipedia Problem
Wikipedia is enormous and openly editable by anyone. This raises a genuine epistemological puzzle:
- A 2005 study in Nature found Wikipedia science articles contained on average 4 errors per article to Britannica’s 3 — closer than most expected, though not a clean Wikipedia victory.62
- But Wikipedia is unreliable in specific ways: recent events, niche topics, and contested political subjects suffer from systemic bias and edit wars.
- The reliability of any Wikipedia article depends on how many expert eyes have reviewed it, how contested the topic is, and how resistant the community is to motivated editing.
The interesting question is not “is Wikipedia reliable?” but “what makes any source of shared knowledge reliable?” The answer has to do with processes: peer review, replication, adversarial testing, transparent methods, and institutional accountability.
7.3 Social Epistemology and Epistemic Injustice
Testimonial injustice — Miranda Fricker’s term for the wrong done when a hearer discounts a speaker’s report on the basis of identity prejudice — belongs to the epistemology of testimony.63 What belongs here, in shared knowledge, is Fricker’s companion category: hermeneutical injustice, which is not about a particular speaker’s credibility but about the shared conceptual resources by which any speaker can articulate experience at all. Before the term “sexual harassment” entered common vocabulary, women who experienced it had difficulty even naming what was being done to them. The gap was not in their experience but in the shared interpretive apparatus — and the socially powerful had disproportionately shaped that apparatus. Hermeneutical injustice is therefore a defect in the collective knowledge-making infrastructure, not in any individual transaction.
The epistemological consequence: who counts as a knower, whose testimony is taken seriously, and which experiences have names available for them are not personal matters. They are political ones. Shared knowledge is shaped by power — and Fricker’s two categories give the two layers at which that shaping operates: case-by-case credibility and the underlying vocabulary itself.
7.4 When the Machinery Works: A Case Study in Successful Shared Knowledge
The failures are vivid; the successes are taken for granted. Here is a success.
In March 2004 and June 2005, the South Korean scientist Hwang Woo-suk published two papers in Science claiming to have produced first a cloned human blastocyst and then eleven patient-specific embryonic stem-cell lines through somatic cell nuclear transfer — a landmark result that would have revolutionised regenerative medicine.64 The papers received enormous international attention; Hwang was treated as a national hero in South Korea. Within a year, everything had collapsed. Suspicions were raised first by junior members of his own team, who reported anomalies in the data — and the coercive sourcing of human eggs from female lab members — to the Korean public broadcaster MBC’s investigative programme PD Su-cheop, which aired its initial exposé in November 2005. Other researchers attempted replication and could not produce his results. Science commissioned an independent investigation; Seoul National University conducted its own. On 10 January 2006 the SNU committee concluded that all eleven cell lines were fabricated; the next day, Science unconditionally retracted both papers.65 Hwang was subsequently convicted of embezzlement and bioethics violations.
What is notable here is not the fraud — fraud happens. What is notable is the speed and mechanism of correction in this case. The system that detected the fraud is the one Popper described: transparent methods (published data that could be scrutinised), replication attempts by independent researchers, adversarial peer review operating across institutional and national lines, and a formal retraction process. No authority figure declared the papers fraudulent; the community of practice identified the specific discrepancies, applied the falsification criterion, and revised the knowledge base. From the first published suspicions to formal retraction took approximately six months. Many fraud cases run slower: Schön in physics, Stapel in social psychology, and Macchiarini in surgery each took years from suspicion to retraction, and some fraud is presumably never detected at all.
The contrast with the tobacco case can be read in two ways. On one reading, Hwang shows the epistemic machinery working as it is supposed to, and tobacco shows what happens when motivated actors target the social infrastructure that machinery depends on. On a different reading, Hwang is a rare and unusually fast case (the journalists, the junior whistleblowers, the SNU committee all functioned simultaneously) — closer to an exhibit of best-case conditions than to a base rate against which tobacco is the failure mode. Both readings recover the same practical lesson: the conditions under which the machinery corrects (public data, independent replication, no institutional interest in protecting the result, professional norms strong enough to survive the retraction of a hero) are identifiable, sometimes present, and sometimes blocked.
7.5 When Shared Knowledge Breaks Down: A Case Study
Students now alive have lived through one of the most dramatic crises of shared knowledge since the Enlightenment. Consider two cases:
COVID-19 and scientific authority (2020–2022): Epidemiologists reached rapid consensus on a number of key facts — transmission routes, vaccine efficacy, the role of prior immunity. These were falsifiable claims subjected to enormous scrutiny. And yet a substantial subset of the public in high-income countries rejected some of these claims. The empirical literature on what exactly drove vaccine refusal is more mixed than the satisfying “trust collapse” story suggests: partisan identity, prior health-system experiences, social-network effects, and individualised risk perception all contributed, and the relative weights vary by country and cohort. The narrower phenomenon — that epistemically well-supported claims sometimes fail to be taken up by parts of the public toward whom relevant institutions had become an object of organised distrust — is real, even if “institutional trust collapsed” is too broad a description. What does Popper’s falsifiability criterion tell us about it? The claims were falsifiable; the mechanism for adjudicating them did exist. Shared knowledge in the broad sense (functioning as common public understanding) requires more than the claim meeting epistemic criteria — it requires functioning institutions to make and communicate the claim, and populations willing to engage with those institutions. Where these conditions weaken, the epistemic machinery keeps producing knowledge in the narrow sense without that knowledge becoming common in the broad one.
Climate science and manufactured doubt (1980s–present): Naomi Oreskes and Erik Conway (Merchants of Doubt, 2010) documented a deliberate strategy, used first by the tobacco industry and later by fossil fuel interests, of manufacturing apparent scientific controversy where genuine consensus existed. The strategy was not to produce better evidence — it was to create the impression of a debate, exploiting the journalistic norm of “balance” to give fringe views equal airtime with scientific consensus. This is an attack on the social conditions for shared knowledge, not on the evidence itself.
Brandolini’s Law (formulated by Italian programmer Alberto Brandolini, 2013): “The amount of energy needed to refute bullshit is an order of magnitude larger than that needed to produce it.”66 This asymmetry is not just a practical problem — it is an epistemic one. How do institutions that produce shared knowledge cope when the cost of refutation is systematically higher than the cost of misinformation?
Falsifiability is necessary, not sufficient. Popper’s criterion tells us what distinguishes a good scientific claim from a bad one. It does not tell us how to defend shared knowledge when well-funded actors are motivated to corrupt the epistemic environment. Social epistemology — the study of how communities produce, evaluate, and transmit knowledge — becomes essential. The question “what makes knowledge shared?” turns out to require not just epistemology but political economy.
7.6 Standpoint Epistemology
[VERIFY: unanchored — suggest anchoring “strong objectivity” to Sandra Harding, “Rethinking Standpoint Epistemology: What is ‘Strong Objectivity’?” in The Centennial Review 36 (1992), 437–470, or her Whose Science? Whose Knowledge? (Cornell 1991), ch. 6; for the naturalist reply, Susan Haack, Manifesto of a Passionate Moderate (Chicago 1998), ch. 7 (“Knowledge and Propaganda”), and Philip Kitcher, Science, Truth, and Democracy (OUP 2001), ch. 6]
Sandra Harding and other feminist epistemologists developed standpoint theory: knowledge is always situated. Knowers occupy particular social positions (gender, class, race, history), and those positions can make certain things more visible or less visible.
The provocative claim: the standpoint of the marginalized can provide epistemic advantages in certain domains. This is not a consolation prize. A worker on a factory floor knows things about how the factory operates that the CEO does not — things the CEO cannot learn from the quarterly report. A patient knows things about their own illness that the doctor cannot access from the outside. An enslaved person understands the plantation economy in ways the plantation owner structurally cannot. This is not relativism — it doesn’t say all standpoints are equally valid for all questions. It says standpoint matters for knowledge, and that the standard model of knowledge production (the detached, universal observer) systematically misses what partial perspectives reveal.
The objection: does standpoint theory commit itself to relativism about truth? If knowledge depends on standpoint, do different standpoints generate incompatible “truths”? Harding’s response: strong objectivity requires taking standpoints seriously as variables, not eliminating the knower from the picture; pretending the knower has no position produces not objectivity but concealed partiality wearing objectivity’s clothes. Naturalist critics (Susan Haack, Philip Kitcher, broadly Quinean philosophers of science) reply that situatedness is one variable among many that ordinary scientific method already tracks and discounts, and that Harding treats one failure-mode (concealed partiality) as if it were the only alternative to her programme. The choice between Harding’s “strong objectivity” and the naturalist response is one of the live disputes in social epistemology, not a settled matter.
Forced Fork: Did the Tobacco Strategy Refute Popper?
Return to the tobacco case from the lesson’s info-box. The health-effects claim — “cigarettes cause lung cancer” — was falsifiable in Popper’s sense. It specified what evidence would count against it, and the evidence that in fact accumulated supported it overwhelmingly. By 1955 the claim was epidemiologically settled inside the scientific community. And yet, for at least another thirty years, “tobacco causes cancer” failed to function as common public knowledge in American life. The Forced Fork is over what to do about that — and, before that, over what “shared knowledge” should even mean. The unit’s opening flagged the definitional split; here you have to commit to one reading.
Position A (the narrow reading of “shared knowledge”; Popper’s criterion does the philosophical work it was meant to do): “Shared knowledge” properly so called is knowledge held in common among those competent to evaluate it. By that criterion, “cigarettes cause lung cancer” was shared knowledge from 1955 onward — among epidemiologists, oncologists, the surgeons general. Redefining “shared knowledge” to require successful uptake by the lay public turns the term into a measure of public opinion, on which no contested empirical claim counts as knowledge until the public finally agrees — and that gets the order of dependence backwards. Public opinion can lag epistemic settlement by decades; the lag is a problem for public communication and policy, not a defect in the epistemic settlement. Popper’s criterion was never offered as a theory of public uptake.
Position B (the broad reading): “Shared knowledge” in ordinary use means knowledge that functions across a community of knowledge-users — citizens, voters, patients deciding whether to smoke — not only knowledge-producers. The tobacco strategy did not corrupt the underlying claim; it corrupted the social infrastructure (journalism’s “balance” norm, expert credibility, public trust in regulators) by which a falsifiable claim becomes part of a community’s working understanding. A full account must include those institutional conditions, and the conditions carry epistemic weight.
Choose one. Position A must say what extra “shared” adds beyond specialist consensus — without draining the term of contrast with personal knowledge. Position B must say why peer review and good-faith journalism produce knowledge that a corrupted system does not, rather than just publicise it differently.
7.7 Questions to Argue About
- Popper says the mark of scientific (shared) knowledge is falsifiability. But is mathematics falsifiable? Is history? Are all forms of shared knowledge scientific?
- Wikipedia’s reliability depends on crowd-sourced editing and adversarial correction. Is this fundamentally different from how academic peer review works — or the same thing with different social mechanisms?
- Fricker argues that disbelieving testimony for prejudiced reasons is an epistemic wrong, not merely a moral one. Do you agree that there is a distinctively epistemic wrong here — or is this just a moral wrong that happens to involve knowledge?
- If a person’s social position gives them epistemically privileged access to certain truths, does that mean the social sciences should deliberately seek out marginalized perspectives? What are the limits of this idea?
Forced Fork: What Exactly Was Done to Anita Hill?
On 11 October 1991, Anita Hill — a law professor at the University of Oklahoma, formerly Clarence Thomas’s assistant at the U.S. Department of Education and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission — testified before the United States Senate Judiciary Committee during the confirmation hearings of Thomas for the Supreme Court.67 Under questioning, Hill described specific episodes: that Thomas had repeatedly pressed her to date him after she declined; that he had described to her in detail scenes from pornographic films, including those featuring an actor named “Long Dong Silver”; that on one occasion in his office he had picked up a can of Coca-Cola from his desk and asked, “Who has put pubic hair on my Coke?” The all-male, all-white Judiciary Committee (chaired by Senator Joseph Biden) questioned her at length; senators publicly suggested she was a “scorned woman,” that she had fabricated her testimony for political gain, that she might be suffering from “erotomania.” A second woman, Angela Wright, who had worked under Thomas at the EEOC and was prepared to testify to a similar pattern of behaviour, had been subpoenaed but was not called; her sworn deposition was not made public until later. Thomas was confirmed 52–48. Investigative reporting in subsequent years (Mayer and Abramson, Strange Justice, 1994) corroborated much of Hill’s account; in 2018, during the confirmation hearings of Brett Kavanaugh, several senators publicly revisited the 1991 proceedings and Biden expressed regret for the conduct of the committee. The question: was the wrong done to Hill only the moral wrong of being unfairly disbelieved — or was there a distinctively epistemic wrong on top of the moral one?
Position A (Fricker: a distinctive epistemic wrong): Hill was wronged as a knower — as someone entitled to be taken seriously as a source of testimony about her own life. The committee treated her testimony as if the evidentiary weight of a Black woman’s report against a Black male Supreme Court nominee were less than it plainly was. That is not just discrimination; it is a specific injury to her standing in the community of people whose testimony counts.
Position B (the distinction is a relabelling, not a discovery): Hill was unfairly disbelieved on grounds of identity prejudice — straightforwardly the moral wrong of discrimination. “Epistemic injustice” is a useful label for discrimination in testimony-evaluation contexts but does not identify a new kind of wrong, only a domain in which an existing wrong occurs.
Choose one. Position A must say what else was harmed in Hill’s case beyond her status under moral categories — what the senators took from her qua knower that a merely-moral account does not capture. Position B must say whether anything philosophically important follows from insisting all such wrongs are moral rather than epistemic.
8 What is a knower?
Knowledge requires a knower. But who — or what — is the knower? A disembodied thinking thing, as Descartes suggested? A bundle of impressions, as Hume argued? A socially situated embodied person? An artificial system? The question of what a knower is runs through epistemology, philosophy of mind, and personal identity — and it is less settled than you might expect.
Clive Wearing and the Self Without Memory
In 1985, the British musicologist and conductor Clive Wearing contracted herpes encephalitis, which destroyed the hippocampal regions responsible for converting short-term memory into long-term memory.68 He was left with a functional memory window of roughly thirty seconds. He cannot remember eating breakfast moments after finishing it. He greets his wife Deborah with the intensity of a man reunited after years of separation, though she may have left the room only minutes before. His diaries from the following years fill shelf after shelf with the same entry — “Now I am truly awake for the first time” — each entry cancelling all the ones before. And yet Wearing can still play the harpsichord and conduct a choir from memory, skills stored in procedural rather than episodic memory systems. John Locke argued that personal identity consists in the continuity of memory; by Locke’s criterion, Wearing’s self is reconstituted from scratch every half-minute. Hume, who denied there was a unified self to be found at all — only a bundle of perceptions — might have regarded Wearing’s condition as a kind of demonstration. Parfit’s thought experiments about fission and teleportation become less abstract when set beside the real, daily reality of a man who cannot know whether he is the same person he was five minutes ago.
8.1 Descartes’ Ego
After stripping everything away through radical doubt, Descartes arrives at the cogito: he exists as a res cogitans — a thinking thing. This is a substance, a subject. What kind of thing is it?
Descartes is a substance dualist: the mind is a non-physical substance, distinct from the body (res extensa). This creates the mind-body problem: how does an immaterial mind interact with a physical body? (Descartes’ answer — they interact in the pineal gland — is not taken seriously.) The problem of interaction has never been fully solved.
The Cartesian knower is:
- A unified self
- Transparent to itself (what it thinks, it knows it thinks)
- Essentially non-physical
- The same through time (numerical identity preserved by the thinking substance)
Each of these has been seriously challenged.
8.2 Hume’s Bundle Theory
Hume looked inward and reported what he found:
“For my part, when I enter most intimately into what I call myself, I always stumble on some particular perception or other, of heat or cold, light or shade, love or hatred, pain or pleasure. I never can catch myself at any time without a perception, and can never observe any thing but the perception.” — David Hume, A Treatise of Human Nature, Book I, Part IV, Section VI69
There is no self beyond the stream of perceptions. The self is a “bundle or collection of different perceptions, which succeed each other with inconceivable rapidity.” What we call the “self” is a convenient fiction — the impression of continuity overlaid on a flux.
If the knower is not a stable, unified thing, then who is accumulating knowledge over time? Who is the “I” that knows something today that “I” didn’t know yesterday?
8.3 Locke on Personal Identity and Memory
Consider Leonard Shelby, the protagonist of Christopher Nolan’s Memento (2000). Leonard suffers from anterograde amnesia — he cannot form new long-term memories. Every morning he wakes with no recollection of the previous day. He navigates the world through photographs, tattoos, and Polaroids with handwritten notes. He is, in some important sense, the same person from day to day — same body, same pre-injury memories, same name. But is he the same knower? Each day he must reconstruct his epistemic situation from external records he cannot remember making. Knowledge that ordinary knowers accumulate over time — who to trust, what has already been tried, what conclusions have been drawn — he must reinvent or read from a note. Leonard’s condition makes vivid what the memory theory of personal identity — developed below by John Locke — implies: the knower is constituted by the continuity of memory, and when memory breaks, the knower is in some sense fractured.
John Locke (An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Book II, Chapter 27) gave a different answer: personal identity consists in continuity of consciousness, specifically memory.70 You are the same person who was punished at school because you remember being punished. You are not the same person as Socrates because you remember nothing of being Socrates.
Derek Parfit (Reasons and Persons, 1984) pushed this to its limit with thought experiments:71
The teleporter case: You step into a teleporter. Your body is destroyed and an exact replica — atom-for-atom — is assembled on Mars with all your memories. Is the person on Mars you? If yes: what survived the destruction of your body? If no: when exactly did you cease to exist?
Fission: Suppose your brain is divided and each half transplanted into a different empty body. Both resulting people have memories of being you. Both are psychologically continuous with you. But they can’t both be you (they’re different people from each other). So neither is you? So you’ve ceased to exist even though nothing bad has happened to either resulting person?
Parfit’s conclusion: personal identity is not what matters. What matters — for ethics, for prudential reasoning — is psychological continuity. Whether that constitutes strict identity is a further, less important question.
8.4 The Situated Knower
Feminist epistemologists and philosophers of science argued that the Cartesian picture of the knower as a disembodied, universal reasoner is not only philosophically wrong but politically loaded. The argument is not that Descartes happened to be a French Catholic gentleman of the 17th century — that biographical fact, on its own, no more impeaches the cogito than Newton’s Anglicanism impeaches the Principia. The argument is that the very content of his picture — the knower as Nobody in Particular, suspended in pure reason — does covert epistemic work: it treats the assumptions characteristic of his social position (which questions are worth asking, which experiences count as standard, what counts as a neutral starting point) as the universal default, and dresses partiality as objectivity. The “view from nowhere” systematically ignores that all knowers are somewhere, embodied, culturally situated; what the pretence conceals tends to be exactly the assumptions the dominant standpoint never has to make explicit.
Donna Haraway (Situated Knowledges, 1988) argued for partial perspective: knowledge claims that acknowledge their situatedness are more honest and, in certain respects, more objective than claims that pretend to a “god’s-eye view” they cannot have.72
Sandra Harding’s strong objectivity requires that the social position of the knower be included as a variable in the evaluation of knowledge, not suppressed.73 A scientist’s class, gender, and cultural assumptions affect what hypotheses they consider, what they observe, and how they interpret results. Ignoring this is not objectivity — it is concealed partiality.
8.5 Can Machines Know?
Artificial intelligence has made the question urgent: what is it for anything to be a knower? Large language models can pass medical licensing exams, write legal briefs, and produce plausible philosophical essays. They can produce plausible philosophical essays about whether large language models can know things. Are they knowers?
The standard responses:
- No — they lack understanding (John Searle’s Chinese Room argument, 1980): a system that manipulates symbols according to rules doesn’t understand the symbols, any more than someone who follows rules for manipulating Chinese characters understands Chinese.74 Searle’s Chinese Room has been replied to in nearly as many ways as there are philosophers, but the intuition it pumps remains powerful.
- Yes, or approaching it — functionalists argue that if a system behaves in all the ways a knower behaves, the label applies. What more could “knowing” require? If you say “but there’s nothing it’s like to be the system,” you are invoking subjective experience as the criterion — which immediately raises the question of how you verify that criterion in other humans.
- It’s the wrong question — the concept of “knowing” was developed for human beings in human social contexts. Applying it to machines may require revision of the concept rather than a verdict either way.
8.6 Questions to Argue About
- Hume says there is no self beyond the stream of perceptions. If true, what follows for the concept of a knower? Can there be knowledge without a stable knower?
- Locke grounds personal identity in memory. But memory is notoriously unreliable. Does this mean our sense of who we are is built on an unreliable foundation?
- Parfit argues personal identity is not what matters — psychological continuity is. Does this view change how you think about self-interest, or about why death is bad?
- The Cartesian knower is disembodied. But you don’t think in your brain alone — you think through conversation, through writing, through the tools you use (Andy Clark’s “extended mind” thesis).75 What counts as part of the knower?
- Should a sufficiently sophisticated AI be considered a knower? What exactly does it lack?
Forced Fork: Is Clive Wearing Still the Same Person?
Return to Clive Wearing from the info-box above. His hippocampal damage left him with a thirty-second memory window. He cannot remember eating breakfast moments after finishing it; his diaries contain thousands of sequential entries each announcing “now I am truly awake for the first time.” And yet he still recognises his wife Deborah, still plays the harpsichord, still conducts. The question is not medical but metaphysical: is the man in the room today the same person as the musicologist who fell ill in 1985?
Position A (Hume: the continuity we call “self” is a pattern, not a persisting thing): Wearing is a test of Locke’s memory criterion, and Locke fails it. By Locke’s standard, Wearing is a new person every thirty seconds — which is the right thing to say once we drop the illusion of a persisting self. His wife loves a pattern — musical competence, emotional register, recognition — that runs across the flux. The pattern is real; the unified self behind it is not.
Position B (the same person is in the room): Every ordinary criterion of personal identity points the same way: Deborah recognises her husband; his musical competence is specifically his; his bond with her is continuous with 1985. What he has lost is episodic memory, not selfhood. If he is not the same person, no coherent criterion of identity survives — Locke was wrong, but the lesson is that selfhood is embodied-relational continuity, which Wearing has.
Choose one. If you pick A, explain why Deborah Wearing would be making a category error in continuing to call him her husband of thirty-plus years — and whether the same error is being made by the rest of us when we identify ourselves with our past selves. If you pick B, specify what embodied-relational continuity would have to be lost before even your view would say a person was gone — and how your criterion differs, in practice, from Locke’s, given that Wearing’s memory is precisely what is gone.
8.7 What Grounds Logical Knowledge?
Two positions bracket the dispute about what grounds logical inference itself — the question Carroll’s Tortoise raised: you cannot use modus ponens to justify modus ponens. Quine (Two Dogmas of Empiricism, 1951) argues that even logical laws are revisable: they are not categorically certain, only the most entrenched beliefs we hold — beliefs we would give up last, but could in principle give up.76Bonjour (In Defense of Pure Reason, 1998) argues that logical laws are known a priori through rational insight, not merely by entrenchment or habit.77
The dispute is not peripheral. It determines whether epistemological claims about justification, knowledge, and what a knower is rest on a foundation that is itself secure, or whether that foundation is as revisable as everything else. If Quine is right, the logical structure of arguments in epistemology is not categorically more certain than the empirical claims those arguments evaluate. If Bonjour is right, there is a domain of a priori knowledge that grounds the rest.
Quine, W.V.O. “Two Dogmas of Empiricism.” Philosophical Review 60.1 (1951): 20–43 — one of the most important papers in 20th-century epistemology; §§4–6 cover this question. Freely available online.
9 Media
Novels, films, and artworks that illuminate the questions above:
- Plato, The Allegory of the Cave (in Republic, Book VII) — Not a novel, but the most powerful thought experiment in the history of epistemology. Prisoners in a cave mistake shadows for reality. One escapes and sees the sun. What is the relationship between education and liberation from illusion?
- Jorge Luis Borges, “Tlön, Uqbar, Orbis Tertius” (in Ficciones, 1944) — A secret society invents an encyclopedia of an imaginary world; the invented world begins to replace the real one. A meditation on reality, language, and collective knowledge-making.
- Philip K. Dick, Do Androids Dream of Electric Sheep? (1968) — What distinguishes genuine empathy from its simulation? What is the status of artificial minds as knowers? The basis for Blade Runner.
- Christopher Nolan, Memento (2000) — A man with anterograde amnesia (no new long-term memories) investigates his wife’s murder. Parfit’s thought experiments on personal identity and memory made visceral.
- The Wachowskis, The Matrix (1999) — Brain-in-a-vat scepticism as blockbuster film. Legitimately useful for discussing Descartes, despite being pulp cinema.
- Ingmar Bergman (dir.), Persona (1966) — A nurse and her mute patient gradually exchange identities. Bergman’s most concentrated treatment of personal identity as a fluid, performed, and partly fictional construction. The 80-minute running time is itself an argument: the disintegration of the self is shown faster than any theory could describe it.
- Kazuo Ishiguro, Never Let Me Go (2005) — Clone children raised for organ donation. Questions of what it means to be a knower, a person, a self — obliquely and devastatingly rendered.
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Hume, David. An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding. 1748. Ed. Peter Millican. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007.
James, William. Pragmatism: A New Name for Some Old Ways of Thinking. New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1907.
Kahneman, Daniel. Thinking, Fast and Slow. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2011.
Kant, Immanuel. Prolegomena to Any Future Metaphysics. 1783. Trans. Gary Hatfield. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004.
Klein, Gary. Sources of Power: How People Make Decisions. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998.
Locke, John. An Essay Concerning Human Understanding. 1689. Ed. Peter H. Nidditch. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975.
Mayer, Jane and Jill Abramson. Strange Justice: The Selling of Clarence Thomas. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1994.
Merleau-Ponty, Maurice. Phenomenology of Perception. 1945. Trans. Colin Smith. London: Routledge, 1962.
Michaels, David. Doubt Is Their Product: How Industry’s Assault on Science Threatens Your Health. New York: Oxford University Press, 2008.
Moore, G. E. “Proof of an External World.” Proceedings of the British Academy 25 (1939): 273–300.
Müller-Lyer, Franz Carl. “Optische Urteilstäuschungen.” Archiv für Anatomie und Physiologie, Physiologische Abteilung 2 (1889): 263–270.
Nagel, Jennifer. Knowledge: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014.
Nagel, Thomas. “What Is It Like to Be a Bat?” Philosophical Review 83.4 (1974): 435–450.
Neurath, Otto. “Protokollsätze.” Erkenntnis 3 (1932): 204–214.
Oreskes, Naomi and Erik M. Conway. Merchants of Doubt. New York: Bloomsbury Press, 2010.
Parfit, Derek. Reasons and Persons. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984.
Plantinga, Alvin. Warranted Christian Belief. New York: Oxford University Press, 2000.
Plantinga, Alvin. Where the Conflict Really Lies: Science, Religion, and Naturalism. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011.
Plato. Theaetetus. Trans. M. J. Levett, rev. Myles Burnyeat. Indianapolis: Hackett, 1990.
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Popper, Karl. Conjectures and Refutations: The Growth of Scientific Knowledge. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1963.
Proctor, Robert N. Golden Holocaust: Origins of the Cigarette Catastrophe and the Case for Abolition. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011.
Putnam, Hilary. Reason, Truth and History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981.
Quine, Willard Van Orman. “Two Dogmas of Empiricism.” Philosophical Review 60.1 (1951): 20–43.
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Rawls, John. Political Liberalism. New York: Columbia University Press, 1993.
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Scraton, Phil. Hillsborough: The Truth. Rev. edn. Edinburgh: Mainstream, 2016.
Searle, John R. “Minds, Brains, and Programs.” Behavioral and Brain Sciences 3.3 (1980): 417–457.
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Thompson-Cannino, Jennifer, Ronald Cotton and Erin Torneo. Picking Cotton: Our Memoir of Injustice and Redemption. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2009.
Wearing, Deborah. Forever Today: A Memoir of Love and Amnesia. London: Doubleday, 2005.
Wells, Gary L. and Elizabeth A. Olson. “Eyewitness Testimony.” Annual Review of Psychology 54 (2003): 277–295.
Wittgenstein, Ludwig. On Certainty. Trans. G. E. M. Anscombe and G. H. von Wright. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1969.
Wynder, Ernest L. and Evarts A. Graham. “Tobacco Smoking as a Possible Etiologic Factor in Bronchiogenic Carcinoma: A Study of Six Hundred and Eighty-Four Proved Cases.” JAMA 143.4 (1950): 329–336.
11 Notes
The 2016 inquest (the “Hillsborough Inquests”), presided over by Sir John Goldring, returned its conclusion on 26 April 2016, finding the 96 then-recognised victims unlawfully killed by a 7–2 majority and answering “no” to the question of whether the conduct of supporters had contributed. The toll was revised to 97 in 2021 when Andrew Devine, who had lived since the disaster in a minimally responsive state caused by his injuries, died and an inquest ruled his death unlawful killing. For the basic narrative see Phil Scraton, Hillsborough: The Truth, rev. edn. (Edinburgh: Mainstream, 2016), and BBC News, “Hillsborough disaster: Deadly sporting tragedy,” continuously updated.↩︎
The Sun, “THE TRUTH,” front page, 19 April 1989. The story attributed its claims to “high-ranking police officers” and to a local Conservative MP. The Sun issued a front-page apology in 2012 following publication of the Hillsborough Independent Panel report; for analysis of the original story and its sources see Coverage of the Hillsborough disaster by The Sun (Wikipedia overview with primary citations) and Phil Scraton, Hillsborough: The Truth, chapter 5.↩︎
Hillsborough Independent Panel, Hillsborough: The Report of the Hillsborough Independent Panel (London: TSO, September 2012), §§2.6.20–2.6.41 (“The amendment of police officers’ statements”). The Panel found that 164 statements were significantly altered, of which 116 were changed to remove or qualify material unfavourable to South Yorkshire Police; the alteration process was managed by the force solicitors Hammond Suddards.↩︎
Plato, Theaetetus, 201d–210a, where Socrates examines and ultimately rejects the definition of knowledge as true belief with an account (logos). The standard JTB reading treats this as the locus classicus; for discussion see Myles Burnyeat’s introduction to Levett’s translation (Hackett, 1990).↩︎
Edmund Gettier, “Is Justified True Belief Knowledge?” Analysis (1963).↩︎
Ludwig Wittgenstein, On Certainty (1969), §253.↩︎
Bertrand Russell, The Problems of Philosophy (1912), Chapter V (“Knowledge by Acquaintance and Knowledge by Description”).↩︎
Bertrand Russell, Theory of Knowledge: The 1913 Manuscript, ed. Eames and Blackwell (1992 [1913]); the editorial introduction tells the story of Wittgenstein’s intervention. The contemporary disjunctivist alternative — perception as direct, defeasible, world-involving — is most associated with John McDowell, “Criteria, Defeasibility, and Knowledge” (1982).↩︎
Gilbert Ryle, The Concept of Mind (London: Hutchinson, 1949), Chapter II (“Knowing How and Knowing That”).↩︎
Joel Gold and Ian Gold, “The ‘Truman Show’ Delusion: Psychosis in the Global Village,” Cognitive Neuropsychiatry 17.6 (2012): 455–472. The case-series and the broader cultural argument are developed at book length in Gold and Gold, Suspicious Minds: How Culture Shapes Madness (New York: Free Press, 2014).↩︎
René Descartes, Meditations on First Philosophy (1641), Meditation I; quoted from the Cottingham-Stoothoff-Murdoch translation, The Philosophical Writings of Descartes, vol. II (Cambridge University Press, 1984).↩︎
Hilary Putnam, Reason, Truth and History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), Chapter 1 (“Brains in a vat”).↩︎
The evolutionary argument against naturalism is in Alvin Plantinga, Where the Conflict Really Lies (Oxford University Press, 2011), Chapter 10. The companion sensus divinitatis / proper-basicality argument is in Plantinga, Warranted Christian Belief (Oxford University Press, 2000), Chapter 6. The position is contested — see, e.g., Stephen Law, “Plantinga’s Belief-Cum-Desire Argument Refuted,” Religious Studies 47.2 (2011) — and not, despite its rhetorical force, settled.↩︎
The Latin formula cogito, ergo sum appears in René Descartes, Principles of Philosophy (1644), Part I; the French je pense, donc je suis in Descartes, Discourse on the Method (1637), Part IV. The Meditations on First Philosophy (1641), Meditation II, gives the argument in the form “I am, I exist” (ego sum, ego existo).↩︎
Georg Christoph Lichtenberg, Sudelbücher (Waste Books), Notebook K, §76 (composed 1793–96): “Es denkt, sollte man sagen, so wie man sagt: es blitzt” (“‘It thinks,’ one ought to say, just as one says, ‘it lightnings’”). Lichtenberg’s point is that to translate the cogito as “I think” already smuggles in the substantial subject Descartes claims to derive. The aphorism circulates in English chiefly through Schopenhauer, Die Welt als Wille und Vorstellung II §19, and Nietzsche, Jenseits von Gut und Böse §17.↩︎
David Hume, A Treatise of Human Nature (1739), Book I, Part IV, Section VI (“Of personal identity”). The quoted passage (“when I enter most intimately into what I call myself, I always stumble on some particular perception or other …”) and the “bundle or collection of different perceptions” formulation both occur in this section. Wording follows the Selby-Bigge / Nidditch tradition; minor word-order differences (“can never” vs “never can”) occur across editions.↩︎
Barry Stroud, The Significance of Philosophical Scepticism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984), especially Chapters 1 and 7, on the distinction between refuting and dissolving the sceptical argument. Michael Williams, Unnatural Doubts: Epistemological Realism and the Basis of Scepticism (Oxford: Blackwell, 1991; rev. ed. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), argues that radical scepticism depends on the prior — and rejectable — commitment of “epistemological realism” to a context-invariant notion of empirical knowledge. Problems of Knowledge (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001) gives the position in shorter compass.↩︎
G. E. Moore, “Proof of an External World,” Proceedings of the British Academy 25 (1939): 273–300.↩︎
William James, Pragmatism (1907), Lecture II (“What Pragmatism Means”): “There can be no difference anywhere that doesn’t make a difference elsewhere — no difference in abstract truth that doesn’t express itself in a difference in concrete fact and in conduct consequent upon that fact, imposed on somebody, somehow, somewhere and somewhen.” This is the pragmatic principle that James turns against metaphysical disputes whose alleged sides predict no different experience. John Dewey extended the move against Cartesian doubt in Reconstruction in Philosophy (1920), Chapter I (“Changing Conceptions of Philosophy”) and The Quest for Certainty (1929), Chapter I.↩︎
Zhuangzi, Book II (“Qí Wù Lùn” 齊物論, “Discussion on Making All Things Equal”), closing passage; trans. Burton Watson, The Complete Works of Zhuangzi (Columbia University Press, 2013). Zhuangzi (c. 369–286 BCE) is the second great Daoist philosopher after Laozi; Qí Wù Lùn is the central philosophical chapter of the Inner Chapters and the standard locus for Daoist arguments about perspective and the limits of discriminating knowledge.↩︎
Theranos Inc. was incorporated in Palo Alto, California, in 2003. Elizabeth Holmes was 19 at the time, having dropped out of Stanford’s chemical engineering programme to start the company. The “Edison” device was the third-generation prototype announced commercially with the 2013 launch of in-store Wellness Centers at Walgreens. Standard secondary source: John Carreyrou, Bad Blood: Secrets and Lies in a Silicon Valley Startup (New York: Knopf, 2018), Chapters 1–3. [VERIFY]↩︎
John Carreyrou, “Hot Startup Theranos Has Struggled With Its Blood-Test Technology,” The Wall Street Journal, 16 October 2015. The investigation was the basis for Carreyrou’s subsequent book Bad Blood (2018) and the HBO documentary The Inventor: Out for Blood in Silicon Valley (Alex Gibney, dir., 2019). [VERIFY]↩︎
United States v. Elizabeth Holmes, Case No. 5:18-cr-00258-EJD, United States District Court for the Northern District of California; Holmes was convicted on 3 January 2022 on four counts of wire fraud and conspiracy and sentenced on 18 November 2022 to 11 years and 3 months in federal prison. Co-defendant Ramesh “Sunny” Balwani was convicted in a separate trial on 7 July 2022 and sentenced on 7 December 2022 to nearly 13 years. [VERIFY]↩︎
Aristotle, Metaphysics, Book IV (Γ), Chapter 7, 1011b25; trans. W. D. Ross.↩︎
F. H. Bradley, Appearance and Reality: A Metaphysical Essay (London: Swan Sonnenschein, 1893), Book II, Chapter 24 (“Degrees of Truth and Reality”); Bernard Bosanquet, Logic, or the Morphology of Knowledge, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1888; 2nd ed. 1911), Vol. II, Chapter 9 (“Of Truth and Coherence”). The two are the central British Idealist statements of coherentism about truth.↩︎
Otto Neurath, “Protokollsätze,” Erkenntnis 3 (1932): 204–214 (where Neurath gives the metaphor of sailors who must rebuild their ship on the open sea, with no possibility of putting in to dry dock). The image entered Anglophone philosophy chiefly through W. V. O. Quine, Word and Object (1960), §1, who paraphrases it as: science is “a boat which, if we are to rebuild it, we must rebuild plank by plank while staying afloat in it.” English wordings of the original Neurath line vary across translations; the metaphor is reliably Neurath’s, the precise English is not.↩︎
William James, Pragmatism: A New Name for Some Old Ways of Thinking (1907), Lecture VI (“Pragmatism’s Conception of Truth”).↩︎
Alfred Tarski, “The Concept of Truth in Formalized Languages” (1933), reprinted in Logic, Semantics, Metamathematics (1956). For an accessible later statement, see Tarski, “The Semantic Conception of Truth and the Foundations of Semantics,” Philosophy and Phenomenological Research (1944).↩︎
For the vision-science explanation in terms of illumination priors, see Bevil R. Conway et al., “Responses to ‘The Dress’,” Current Biology (2015), and Pascal Wallisch, “Illumination Assumptions Account for Individual Differences in the Perceptual Interpretation of a Profoundly Ambiguous Stimulus in the Colour Domain: ‘The Dress’,” Journal of Vision (2017).↩︎
Franz Carl Müller-Lyer, “Optische Urteilstäuschungen,” Archiv für Anatomie und Physiologie, Physiologische Abteilung 2 (1889): 263–270.↩︎
Bertrand Russell, The Problems of Philosophy (1912), Chapter I (“Appearance and Reality”).↩︎
George Berkeley, A Treatise Concerning the Principles of Human Knowledge (1710), §§1–3. The formula esse is percipi (“to be is to be perceived”) is stated at §3. Held in library (Oxford World’s Classics edition combining the Principles with the Three Dialogues) and verified.↩︎
John Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding (1689), Book II, Chapter VIII (“Some Further Considerations concerning Our Simple Ideas of Sensation”), §§9–10.↩︎
John McDowell, “Criteria, Defeasibility, and Knowledge,” Proceedings of the British Academy 68 (1982): 455–479; reprinted in McDowell, Meaning, Knowledge, and Reality (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998), Chapter 17. The “highest common factor” argument is at pp. 470–474 of the original. For the more general disjunctivist programme see also McDowell, “Singular Thought and the Extent of Inner Space,” in Subject, Thought, and Context, ed. Philip Pettit and John McDowell (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986).↩︎
Daniel J. Simons and Christopher F. Chabris, “Gorillas in Our Midst: Sustained Inattentional Blindness for Dynamic Events,” Perception 28.9 (1999): 1059–1074.↩︎
For the case and its aftermath, see Jennifer Thompson-Cannino, Ronald Cotton, and Erin Torneo, Picking Cotton: Our Memoir of Injustice and Redemption (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2009). The case is now standard in the empirical literature on eyewitness reliability; see Gary L. Wells and Elizabeth A. Olson, “Eyewitness Testimony,” Annual Review of Psychology 54 (2003): 277–295.↩︎
Jennifer Nagel, Knowledge: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), Chapter 6 (“Testimony”), opening sentence (“In the realm of knowledge, many of our prized possessions come to us second-hand”).↩︎
Robert Audi, Epistemology: A Contemporary Introduction to the Theory of Knowledge, 3rd edn. (New York: Routledge, 2011), Chapter 7 (“Testimony: The Social Foundation of Knowledge”), opening section. Audi’s chapter is the standard textbook treatment of the inferentialist (reductionist) versus direct-source (anti-reductionist) views.↩︎
David Hume, An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding (1748), Section X (“Of Miracles”), Part I, paragraphs 4–5 (the wise-man-proportions-belief passage) and paragraph 13 (the maxim that “no testimony is sufficient to establish a miracle, unless the testimony be of such a kind, that its falsehood would be more miraculous, than the fact, which it endeavours to establish”). Quoted from the Oxford World’s Classics edition, ed. Peter Millican.↩︎
David Hume, An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding (1748), Section X (“Of Miracles”), Part I, paragraphs 4–5 (the wise-man-proportions-belief passage) and paragraph 13 (the maxim that “no testimony is sufficient to establish a miracle, unless the testimony be of such a kind, that its falsehood would be more miraculous, than the fact, which it endeavours to establish”). Quoted from the Oxford World’s Classics edition, ed. Peter Millican.↩︎
For the Lockean position that testimony yields at best “highly probable opinion” rather than knowledge — including the worked consequence that one does not strictly know one’s own birthplace, that George Washington existed, or that Antarctica exists — see Nagel, Knowledge: A Very Short Introduction, Chapter 6, “No way to know,” summarising John Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding (1689), Book IV, Chapters 15–16.↩︎
Thomas Reid, An Inquiry into the Human Mind on the Principles of Common Sense (1764), Chapter VI, Section 24 (“Of the Analogy between Perception, and the Credit We Give to Human Testimony”). The credulity principle is paired with a “principle of veracity” governing speakers; together they form the Reidian default-acceptance picture. The familiar shorter formulation often quoted in textbooks (“a propensity to rely upon human testimony before we can give a reason for doing so”) is Robert Audi’s compression of the same passage in Epistemology: A Contemporary Introduction to the Theory of Knowledge, 3rd edn., Chapter 7, n. 3, p. 168.↩︎
C. A. J. Coady, Testimony: A Philosophical Study (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), Chapter 4 (“The Reductionist Thesis”), gives the canonical statement of the self-undermining argument: the inductive base for trusting testimony in general cannot be assembled without already trusting testimony. Coady’s book is referenced via Audi, Epistemology, Chapter 7, note 1, where it is cited as the standard contemporary treatment of the topic.↩︎
Miranda Fricker, Epistemic Injustice: Power and the Ethics of Knowing (2007), Chapter 1 (testimonial injustice) and Chapter 7 (hermeneutical injustice).↩︎
National Transportation Safety Board, Loss of Thrust in Both Engines After Encountering a Flock of Birds and Subsequent Ditching on the Hudson River, US Airways Flight 1549, Airbus A320-214, N106US, Weehawken, New Jersey, January 15, 2009 (NTSB Aircraft Accident Report AAR-10/03, adopted 4 May 2010). The flock-of-birds was identified as Canada geese (Branta canadensis) by feather analysis, and the incident occurred at approximately 2,818 feet AGL, 1.5 minutes after takeoff. [VERIFY]↩︎
NTSB AAR-10/03 (2010), §§1.18 and 2.5 on cockpit voice recorder timeline and decision-making analysis; see also Chesley B. Sullenberger III, with Jeffrey Zaslow, Highest Duty: My Search for What Really Matters (New York: William Morrow, 2009), especially Chapter 16 on the experiential basis for the Hudson decision. [VERIFY]↩︎
Gary Klein, Sources of Power: How People Make Decisions (1998), Chapter 2 (“The Recognition-Primed Decision Model”). The fire-commander case study is drawn from Klein’s interviews with the Cleveland Fire Department.↩︎
Immanuel Kant, Prolegomena to Any Future Metaphysics (1783), §§1–5; the fuller treatment is in Critique of Pure Reason (1781/1787), Introduction.↩︎
John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (1971), §9 (“Some Remarks about Moral Theory”).↩︎
John Rawls, Political Liberalism (1993), Lecture I. The idea is developed further in Rawls, Justice as Fairness: A Restatement (2001).↩︎
Daniel Kahneman, Thinking, Fast and Slow (2011), Part I (“Two Systems”), Chapters 1–3.↩︎
Gary Klein, Sources of Power: How People Make Decisions (1998), Chapter 2 (“The Recognition-Primed Decision Model”). The fire-commander case study is drawn from Klein’s interviews with the Cleveland Fire Department.↩︎
Henri Poincaré, Science and Method (1908), Book I, Chapter III (“Mathematical Discovery”), trans. Francis Maitland (1914). Poincaré’s account is of the Fuchsian functions insight while boarding an omnibus at Coutances.↩︎
Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Phenomenology of Perception (1945), Part One, Chapter III (“The Spatiality of One’s Own Body and Motility”), trans. Colin Smith.↩︎
Sarah F. Brosnan and Frans B. M. de Waal, “Monkeys Reject Unequal Pay,” Nature 425 (2003): 297–299.↩︎
Ernest L. Wynder and Evarts A. Graham, “Tobacco Smoking as a Possible Etiologic Factor in Bronchiogenic Carcinoma: A Study of Six Hundred and Eighty-Four Proved Cases,” JAMA 143.4 (27 May 1950): 329–336; Richard Doll and A. Bradford Hill, “Smoking and Carcinoma of the Lung: Preliminary Report,” British Medical Journal 2.4682 (30 September 1950): 739–748; Doll and Hill, “The Mortality of Doctors in Relation to Their Smoking Habits: A Preliminary Report,” British Medical Journal 1.4877 (26 June 1954): 1451–1455. For the historical scholarship on when the epidemiological community treated the question as settled, see Allan M. Brandt, The Cigarette Century (New York: Basic Books, 2007), Chapters 4–5.↩︎
“A Frank Statement to Cigarette Smokers,” published 4 January 1954 in 448 U.S. newspapers by the Tobacco Industry Research Committee. Reproduced and analysed in Robert N. Proctor, Golden Holocaust: Origins of the Cigarette Catastrophe and the Case for Abolition (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011), Chapter 8.↩︎
Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corporation, “Smoking and Health Proposal,” internal memorandum, 1969 (Bates no. 690010951–690010959, 9 pp.), held in the Truth Tobacco Industry Documents archive, UCSF (legacy ID
nvs40f00). Authorship is commonly attributed to B&W marketing staff (Pittman et al.) under VP John W. Burgard, but the document itself bears no author signature; a specific page locator for the “doubt is our product” sentence within the typescript is not asserted here, since the secondary literature does not converge on one. Discussed at length in David Michaels, Doubt Is Their Product: How Industry’s Assault on Science Threatens Your Health (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), Chapter 1, and Oreskes and Conway, Merchants of Doubt, Chapter 1.↩︎Naomi Oreskes and Erik M. Conway, Merchants of Doubt (2010).↩︎
Karl Popper, The Logic of Scientific Discovery (1934; English edn. 1959), Chapter IV (“Falsifiability”); see also Popper, Conjectures and Refutations (1963), Chapter 1 (“Science: Conjectures and Refutations”).↩︎
F. W. Dyson, A. S. Eddington, and C. Davidson, “A Determination of the Deflection of Light by the Sun’s Gravitational Field, from Observations Made at the Total Eclipse of May 29, 1919,” Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society A 220 (1920): 291–333.↩︎
Jim Giles, “Internet Encyclopaedias Go Head to Head,” Nature (2005). The reported averages were 3.9 errors per Wikipedia article and 2.9 per Britannica article across a sample of 42 paired science entries.↩︎
Miranda Fricker, Epistemic Injustice: Power and the Ethics of Knowing (2007), Chapter 1 (testimonial injustice) and Chapter 7 (hermeneutical injustice).↩︎
For a reconstruction of the Hwang Woo-suk case, see the editorial retraction in Science 311 (20 January 2006): 335, and the Seoul National University Investigation Committee, Final Report on Professor Woo Suk Hwang’s Research Allegations (January 2006).↩︎
For a reconstruction of the Hwang Woo-suk case, see the editorial retraction in Science 311 (20 January 2006): 335, and the Seoul National University Investigation Committee, Final Report on Professor Woo Suk Hwang’s Research Allegations (January 2006).↩︎
Alberto Brandolini formulated the principle in a tweet on 11 January 2013 and gave it as a slide at the XP2014 conference (Rome, 28 May 2014) under the title “The Bullshit Asymmetry Principle.” There is no peer-reviewed paper; the canonical record is the conference slide deck. For an early scholarly invocation see Phil Williamson, “Take the Time and Effort to Correct Misinformation,” Nature 540 (2016): 171.↩︎
For the hearing and its aftermath, see Jane Mayer and Jill Abramson, Strange Justice: The Selling of Clarence Thomas (1994), and Anita Hill, Speaking Truth to Power (1997).↩︎
Deborah Wearing, Forever Today: A Memoir of Love and Amnesia (2005). See also Oliver Sacks, “The Abyss,” The New Yorker (24 September 2007).↩︎
David Hume, A Treatise of Human Nature (1739), Book I, Part IV, Section VI (“Of personal identity”). The quoted passage (“when I enter most intimately into what I call myself, I always stumble on some particular perception or other …”) and the “bundle or collection of different perceptions” formulation both occur in this section. Wording follows the Selby-Bigge / Nidditch tradition; minor word-order differences (“can never” vs “never can”) occur across editions.↩︎
John Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding (1689), Book II, Chapter 27 (“Of Identity and Diversity”).↩︎
Derek Parfit, Reasons and Persons (1984), Part III (“Personal Identity”), especially §§75–95 (teletransportation and fission cases).↩︎
Donna Haraway, “Situated Knowledges: The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective,” Feminist Studies 14.3 (1988): 575–599.↩︎
Sandra Harding, Whose Science? Whose Knowledge? Thinking from Women’s Lives (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991), Chapter 6 (“‘Strong Objectivity’ and Socially Situated Knowledge”).↩︎
John R. Searle, “Minds, Brains, and Programs,” Behavioral and Brain Sciences 3.3 (1980): 417–457.↩︎
Andy Clark and David Chalmers, “The Extended Mind,” Analysis 58.1 (1998): 7–19.↩︎
Willard Van Orman Quine, “Two Dogmas of Empiricism,” Philosophical Review 60.1 (1951): 20–43, especially §§5–6; reprinted in Quine, From a Logical Point of View, 2nd rev. ed. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1961), Chapter II.↩︎
Laurence Bonjour, In Defense of Pure Reason: A Rationalist Account of A Priori Justification (1998), Chapter 4.↩︎