1 What makes an action right or wrong?

The moral philosopher Derek Parfit spent thirty years writing a book called On What Matters.1 Not “On What Is Interesting” or “On What Is Fashionable.” What matters. The ambition is almost embarrassingly earnest. Ethics is the branch of philosophy that asks how we ought to act, what kind of person we ought to be, and what makes an action right or wrong. Unlike mathematics or natural science, ethics is not primarily about describing what is the case but about what ought to be. That normative character makes it difficult — and makes the temptation to say “it’s all just opinion” understandable. The temptation can be resisted in different ways: by showing that ethical claims have a defensible logical structure (the realist’s route), by showing that even an expressivist reading does not entail “anything goes” (Blackburn), or by treating ethics as a tradition of practical reasoning rather than as a search for facts (the virtue-ethical route). None of these routes permits treating “it’s all just opinion” as a conclusion; it is a starting position from which the work begins.

The Cave Rescue of the Thai Boys and the Trolley Problem Made Real

On 23 June 2018, twelve boys aged eleven to sixteen from the Wild Boars football team and their twenty-five-year-old assistant coach entered the Tham Luang Nang Non cave system in Chiang Rai, Thailand, and were trapped deep inside when monsoon rains flooded the entrance. They were located alive on day nine by two British cave divers; the rescue itself ran from 8 to 10 July 2018.2 The Australian anaesthetist Richard Harris devised the only plan that the cave-diving team thought had any chance of working: administer the dissociative anaesthetic ketamine to each boy at the dry chamber, fit a full-face positive-pressure mask, and have a diver tow each unconscious child through several kilometres of flooded passage, with top-up injections en route. The risk was unambiguous: an unconscious child face-down in a mask in a flooded sump could drown if anything failed. The alternative — leaving the boys to wait out the four-month monsoon in a cave they could not be reliably resupplied in — Harris and the Thai authorities judged near-certain to kill them. A pure consequentialist calculus supported the sedation; expected lives saved was maximised. A strict deontological reading of informed consent was at best strained: the boys and parents consented under duress, and the action was literally the administration of a potentially lethal substance to children. Harris’s own account — that he focused on the specific relationship and responsibility he held toward each child in that moment — sits closer to virtue ethics than to either rival framework. The thirteen survived. One of the rescuers, the former Thai Navy SEAL diver Saman Kunan, died on 6 July while placing air tanks for the operation, and another, Beirut Pakbara, died of a blood infection contracted during it in 2019: the rescue’s “complete success” already required absorbing two deaths into the moral arithmetic.

Three major frameworks have dominated Western moral philosophy since the Enlightenment. They are genuinely incompatible on some questions. Understanding why is the beginning of ethical thinking.

1.1 Consequentialism

The rightness of an action is determined by its consequences. An action is right if it produces the best available outcome. The most famous version: utilitarianism, developed by Jeremy Bentham (Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation, 1789) and refined by John Stuart Mill (Utilitarianism, 1863). Utilitarianism is the ethical theory of governments and policy-makers — the framework reached for when competing goods must be weighed across large populations. Its critics argue that the same machinery that makes it useful in policy contexts produces conclusions in individual cases that strike most people as monstrous; its defenders argue that the apparent monstrousness is itself the surest sign that some moral intuitions need revising in light of consistent reasoning.

“Nature has placed mankind under the governance of two sovereign masters, pain and pleasure. It is for them alone to point out what we ought to do, as well as to determine what we shall do.” — Jeremy Bentham, Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation, Chapter I, §13

The slogan, taken at face value, is underdetermined. “Greatest” how — sum total? average? minimum lifted (maximin)? “Greatest number” as a separate maximand, or absorbed into the sum? Henry Sidgwick already saw, in The Methods of Ethics (1874, Book IV, Chapter I), that these read off different verdicts in cases of population growth, sacrifice, and inequality.

R. M. Hare’s Moral Thinking (1981) responded with two-level utilitarianism: at the “intuitive” level we should rely on robust public rules (something like the slogan), reserving direct expected-utility calculation for “critical” reflection on the rules themselves. Direct calculation in the moment is, in Hare’s view, often counterproductive.4

On utilitarianism: lying is not wrong in principle. It is wrong if, and only if, lying produces worse consequences than telling the truth. Sacrificing one person to save five is not only permitted but required, if saving five is the better outcome.

1.2 Deontology

The rightness of an action is determined by whether it conforms to a moral rule or duty, independently of consequences. Immanuel Kant (Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals, 1785) is the central figure — a man who reportedly led such a regular life that his neighbours set their clocks by his daily walk, and whose moral philosophy has a similarly clockwork quality: precise, systematic, and occasionally infuriating.

“Act only according to that maxim whereby you can at the same time will that it should become a universal law.” — Immanuel Kant, Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals, Section II5

For Kant, lying is wrong not because it produces bad outcomes — but because the maxim “lie when convenient” cannot be universalised without contradiction. (If everyone lied whenever it suited them, the practice of truth-telling that makes lying effective would collapse.) Morality is about respecting rational principles, not calculating consequences.

1.3 Virtue Ethics

The central question is not “what should I do?” but “what kind of person should I be?” Aristotle (Nicomachean Ethics, c. 350 BCE) developed the founding account: right action flows from virtuous character. A courageous person does the courageous thing — not because they have calculated it is right, but because courage is who they are.

The idea at the centre of Aristotle’s account is often rendered — via Will Durant’s paraphrase in The Story of Philosophy (1926) — as: “We are what we repeatedly do. Excellence, then, is not an act, but a habit.” This precise phrasing is Durant’s, not Aristotle’s.6 The actual passage reads:

“Excellence of character… is a result of habit.” — Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, Book II, Chapter 17

Virtue ethics does not offer a decision procedure (unlike the utility calculation or the categorical imperative). It says: cultivate good character and the right actions will follow.

The Aristotelian framework has a non-Western parallel a century earlier in the work of the Chinese philosopher Mencius (孟子, 4th c. BCE). Mencius 2A.6 introduces the four sprouts (si duan 四端) of moral character: a heart of compassion (the seed of ren 仁, humaneness), a heart of shame (the seed of yi 義, righteousness), a heart of deference (the seed of li 禮, propriety), and a heart of right and wrong (the seed of zhi 智, wisdom). Mencius’s celebrated thought-experiment: “Suppose someone suddenly saw a child about to fall into a well. Anyone in such a situation would have a feeling of alarm and compassion — not because they wanted to gain the favour of the child’s parents, not because they wanted the praise of their neighbours and friends, and not because they would dislike the sound of the child’s cries. From this we can see that whoever lacks the heart of compassion is not human.”8 Mencius’s claim is descriptive (the four sprouts are present in any normally constituted person) and developmental (they must be cultivated across a moral life, by habit, into the full virtues). The structural similarity to Aristotle’s hexis is real; the differences — Mencius’s communitarian framing, his argument from human nature rather than from eudaimonia as a target, his treatment of the disposition to recognise wrong as itself one of the constitutive virtues — give a second philosophical tradition asking the same question with a different answer to it.

1.4 The Trolley Problem

Judith Jarvis Thomson introduced the switch/footbridge formulation in “The Trolley Problem” (1985), building on Philippa Foot’s original case in “The Problem of Abortion and the Doctrine of Double Effect” (1967):9

Case 1 (the switch): A runaway trolley is heading towards five people. You can pull a lever and divert it onto a side track where one person stands. Do you pull the lever?

Case 2 (the footbridge): A runaway trolley is heading towards five people. You are on a bridge with a large man whose body would stop the trolley if he fell in front of it. Do you push him?

Most people say yes to Case 1 and no to Case 2. The consequences are arithmetically identical — in both cases, action kills one to save five. Yet our moral intuitions diverge sharply.

  • A consequentialist seems committed to yes in both cases.
  • A deontologist distinguishes: in Case 1 you redirect an existing threat; in Case 2 you use a person as a means (violating Kant’s formula of humanity).
  • A virtue ethicist asks: what would a person of good character do? Is pushing a man to his death ever an act of virtue?

The Trolley Problem is not a parlour game. It is a controlled experiment that isolates the variables in moral reasoning and forces incompatibilities between frameworks into the open.

But the “controlled experiment” framing has a serious objection that any honest treatment must name. Elizabeth Anscombe’s “Modern Moral Philosophy” (1958) and Bernard Williams’s “A Critique of Utilitarianism” (1973) both argued that contrived dilemmas distort moral thinking precisely because they isolate variables that, in real ethical life, come bundled with relationships, histories, and projects — what Williams called the agent’s integrity.

The empirical literature is itself divided. Joshua Greene’s neuroimaging work reads trolley-divergence as the brain’s emotional system overriding utilitarian calculation; Christopher Bauman, Daniel Bartels and others have argued the divergence is largely an artefact of the contrivance and does not generalise. David Edmonds’s Would You Kill the Fat Man? (2014) collects the findings; what it cannot settle is whether the cases test moral cognition or merely test moral cognition’s response to an unusually impoverished stimulus.10

1.5 Ethics Is Not Relativism

Ethics involves disagreement, but disagreement does not by itself make all positions equally defensible. Physics, history, and medicine involve disagreement too, and we do not call those disciplines “just opinion.” The further claim that some moral questions are easier than others — that gratuitous cruelty is wrong, that honesty has weight, that chattel slavery as practised in the Atlantic system was wrong — has to be argued for, not asserted. Eighteenth-century defenders of slavery reasoned at length and in good faith from premises they took to be obvious; abolition overturned arguments, not just sloppy reasoning within an already-shared framework. The case for “some moral claims are more defensible than others” is itself a substantive philosophical claim, not a piece of common sense, and the relativist who denies it is denying something specific that requires a specific reply.

The work of ethics is to bring the same rigour to harder questions that we attempt to bring to easier ones — and to recognise that what counts as the easier questions has itself shifted historically.

1.6 Questions to Argue About

  • The Trolley Problem produces different intuitions for Case 1 and Case 2. But the consequences are the same. What is doing the moral work in our different responses?
  • All three frameworks — consequentialism, deontology, virtue ethics — seem plausible in some cases and implausible in others. Does this mean none of them is right? Or that each captures part of the truth?
  • Is moral disagreement fundamentally different from factual disagreement? If two people cannot agree whether an action is right, is there a fact of the matter they’re both trying to track — or are they just expressing different values?
  • Aristotle says right action flows from good character. But character has to be built through choices. Which comes first?

Forced Fork: Which Framework Gets the Trolley Right?

You have seen how consequentialism, deontology, and virtue ethics each approach the trolley cases. Now choose.

Position A: The consequentialist verdict is correct in both cases. Same lives at stake, same arithmetic, same permissibility. The intuitive divergence between switch and bridge is best explained by Greene’s neuroimaging work on the personal/impersonal distinction — features of how the brain processes proximate vs distal harm. Intuitions are evidence about us, not about the moral situation. Where careful principle conflicts with intuition, principle wins.

Position B: The switch/bridge distinction is morally principled, not merely psychological. Philippa Foot (“The Problem of Abortion and the Doctrine of the Double Effect,” 1967) and Judith Jarvis Thomson (“The Trolley Problem,” 1985) argue: pushing the man uses him as a means; diverting the trolley redirects a threat. The intuition tracks that difference. Greene shows the brain processes the cases differently; he does not show the difference is morally irrelevant.

Choosing Position A commits you to defending the pushing of the man off the bridge as not only permissible but required — and to saying what error virtually everyone is making when they recoil from this conclusion. Choosing Position B commits you to stating the morally relevant difference with sufficient precision that it cannot be dismissed as post-hoc rationalisation, and to explaining why your principle does not also prohibit the lever case on the same grounds.


2 Should we always maximise happiness?

The FTX Collapse and the Effective-Altruism Calculation

In November 2022 the cryptocurrency exchange FTX filed for bankruptcy after revelations that approximately $8 billion of customer deposits had been transferred to its sister hedge fund Alameda Research and lost in trading.11 Its founder Sam Bankman-Fried, then 30, had been profiled across the financial press as the public face of a new utilitarian philanthropy. Bankman-Fried had publicly committed himself to earning to give — the strategy, theorised in William MacAskill’s Doing Good Better (2015) and adjacent Effective Altruism literature, of pursuing the highest available income precisely in order to give it away to the most cost-effective causes, prominently global poverty (GiveWell-listed charities such as the Against Malaria Foundation) and longtermist projects on pandemic preparedness and AI risk.12 By autumn 2022 Bankman-Fried had channelled hundreds of millions of dollars to EA-affiliated organisations and the FTX Future Fund. He cited Bentham, Singer, MacAskill, and Derek Parfit as influences. After the collapse, two readings of the case appeared inside Effective Altruism itself. MacAskill’s 11 November 2022 statement and 25 November Twitter thread distanced EA from Bankman-Fried personally without abandoning the underlying utilitarian framework, arguing that classic side-constraints — do not deceive, do not steal — had been violated and that genuine utilitarianism would have rejected the trades.13 Other EA-adjacent critics argued the FTX failure was not a personal aberration but the predictable consequence of a calculation that licenses comparing present customer harm against speculative future benefit and weights the latter so heavily that the former becomes acceptable.14 In court, prosecutors played video clips in which Bankman-Fried described his enterprise in explicitly utilitarian terms; he was convicted on seven counts of fraud and conspiracy on 2 November 2023 and sentenced to 25 years on 28 March 2024. Mill had introduced his higher/lower pleasures distinction (treated below) precisely to block the inference Ivan Karamazov would later draw: that aggregate-welfare calculation can justify the systematic harming of identifiable individuals. The FTX case is the question of whether Mill succeeded.

In Fyodor Dostoevsky’s The Brothers Karamazov (1880), Ivan Karamazov poses a question to his religious brother Alyosha that has never been fully answered:

“Tell me yourself — I challenge you: let’s say you were called upon to build the edifice of human destiny so that men would finally be happy and would find peace and tranquillity. If you knew that in order to attain this, you would have to torture to death only one tiny creature… would you consent to be the architect on those conditions?”15

Ivan’s point is not that suffering is unavoidable. It is that if you built paradise on the tears of one innocent child, the paradise would be poisoned by its foundations. The utilitarian arithmetic — one suffering, millions happy — is precisely what he refuses. The challenge has to be faced rather than dismissed; equally, it cannot be assumed to be decisive. Utilitarianism remains the most influential ethical theory in practical politics, public health, and policy-making, and its sophisticated defenders (Sidgwick, Hare, Singer, more recently Parfit and Railton) have replied to Ivan in ways that deserve engagement. Mill’s higher-pleasure refinement, Hare’s two-level structure, and rule-utilitarian variants all argue that utilitarianism does not in fact licence the foundational atrocity. This lesson lays out the standard objections and replies; whether the replies succeed is the question students should leave able to argue, not one this text settles for them.

2.1 Bentham’s Felicific Calculus

Jeremy Bentham (Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation, 1789) was an empiricist about morality: pain and pleasure are the only real moral currencies. Everything else — virtue, duty, honour — is meaningful only insofar as it connects to pleasures and pains. He proposed a felicific calculus: a method for quantifying pleasures and pains along seven dimensions (intensity, duration, certainty, propinquity, fecundity, purity, extent).16

Add up the pleasure, subtract the pain, across all affected people: the action with the highest net score is the right one.

Bentham’s formula: “The greatest happiness of the greatest number is the measure of right and wrong.” He was serious about the calculation. He spent much of the 1790s designing and lobbying for a prison he called the Panopticon — a circular building in which every cell would be visible from a central inspection tower, yet prisoners could never know whether they were being watched at any given moment.17 Bentham calculated that this design would maximise good behaviour at minimum cost, thereby producing the greatest happiness of the greatest number; he petitioned Parliament for nearly twenty years and purchased a site on the Thames at Millbank, before the project was abandoned. The irony that Bentham’s most sustained practical application of his own philosophy was a mechanism of total surveillance is not merely biographical: it illustrates precisely the objection Ivan Karamazov would later make. A system optimised for aggregate welfare can, by its own logic, justify comprehensive control over individual lives. John Stuart Mill, who had been raised by Bentham’s closest associate James Mill as a utilitarian experiment in childhood education18 — an experience he described as producing a nervous breakdown at twenty — later introduced the higher/lower pleasures distinction precisely to block the inference that a perfectly administered prison could constitute a good life.19 Bentham himself had planned to donate his body to medical science and had it preserved as an “auto-icon” — it sits in a glass cabinet at University College London.20

The problems with the calculus: Can pleasures really be added across different people? Can you sum your pleasure and my pain as if they were quantities of the same thing? Interpersonal utility comparison — one of the foundational problems of welfare economics — has never been solved.

2.2 Mill’s Refinement: Higher and Lower Pleasures

John Stuart Mill (Utilitarianism, 1863) noticed that Bentham’s calculus treats all pleasures as commensurable — a child’s joy in sweets and a philosopher’s joy in argument are just different quantities of the same thing. Mill thought this wrong.

“It is better to be a human being dissatisfied than a pig satisfied; better to be Socrates dissatisfied than a fool satisfied.” — John Stuart Mill, Utilitarianism, Chapter 221

Mill distinguished higher pleasures (intellectual, aesthetic, moral) from lower pleasures (bodily, animal). Higher pleasures are qualitatively superior — not just more intense but a different kind of good.

The problem with Mill’s refinement: it seems to abandon strict utilitarianism. If you’re allowed to rank pleasures qualitatively, you’re appealing to something other than the utility calculus. What determines which pleasures are “higher”? And isn’t that determination itself a moral judgement that utilitarianism was supposed to explain, not presuppose?

2.3 Nozick’s Experience Machine

Robert Nozick (Anarchy, State, and Utopia, 1974) proposed a thought experiment that cuts to the heart of utilitarian hedonism:22

Imagine a machine that can give you any experience you desire. It can simulate, perfectly and indistinguishably from reality, a life of achievement, love, success, and happiness. You would not know you were in the machine — from the inside, it would be real. The machine can be programmed before you enter; you will then forget you chose to enter it.

Should you plug in?

Most people say no. They want to actually do things, not just have the experience of doing them. They want to be a certain kind of person. They care about their actual relationships, not simulations.

The utilitarian implication: if you say no to the experience machine, you are implicitly denying that life is only about maximising felt happiness. There are things that matter — achievement, authentic relationships, reality itself — that are not reducible to subjective experience. Utilitarianism, in its hedonist form, cannot capture this.

2.4 Peter Singer and Effective Altruism

Peter Singer’s “Famine, Affluence, and Morality” (1972) was written in direct response to the 1971 East Bengal crisis: the cyclone that struck on 12 November 1970 followed by the war of Bangladeshi independence had displaced roughly nine million refugees into camps where, Singer argued, deaths from starvation and disease were continuing while affluent governments and individuals spent vastly more on items of comparable cost — concert tickets, new clothes — that they could not have considered as morally weighty. He generalised this to a principle:

If it is in our power to prevent something bad from happening without sacrificing anything of comparable moral importance, we ought to do it. This applies regardless of distance. The drowning child in front of you (Singer’s later, simplifying analogy) and the Bengali child dying in a refugee camp you’ll never visit have equal moral weight.

“I do not think I need to say much in defence of the view that we ought, morally, to give a great deal more than we do.” — Peter Singer, “Famine, Affluence, and Morality” (1972), section III23

Singer’s argument implies that affluent people who spend money on luxuries while others die of preventable diseases are behaving immorally. He has himself given a substantial fraction of his income to effective-altruist charities for several decades, and distinguishes a “strong” version of the principle (give up to the point of marginal utility — until giving more would harm you as much as it helps others) from a “moderate” practical standard. In The Life You Can Save the moderate standard is calibrated to be reachable rather than deterring: at least 5% of income for ninety-five per cent of Americans, with a sliding scale rising sharply for higher earners.24 This is the foundation of effective altruism: the movement that asks not just “should I give?” but “how can I do the most good with what I give?” — seeking evidence-based answers to that question.

The objection: Singer’s argument seems to demand too much. It implies that middle-class people should impoverish themselves to the point of marginal utility — give until giving more would harm you as much as it helps others. Many philosophers (Bernard Williams, Susan Wolf) argue that a theory that demands this ignores the role of personal projects and commitments in a meaningful life.25

2.5 Questions to Argue About

  • If the experience machine provides everything hedonist utilitarianism values, and you still wouldn’t plug in, what does that tell you about the theory?
  • Singer argues there is no morally relevant difference between a drowning child in front of you and a starving child on another continent. Is this right? If you disagree, what is the morally relevant difference?
  • Mill’s distinction between higher and lower pleasures saves utilitarianism from the “pig satisfied” objection but introduces a qualitative ranking that the theory can’t fully justify. Is this a fatal flaw or a feature?
  • How much are you morally obligated to give? Is there a principled limit to utilitarian demands — or should we accept that the theory is demanding and adjust our lives accordingly?

Forced Fork: Does Singer’s Drowning-Child Argument Bind the Affluent?

Position A: Singer’s argument is valid and its conclusion follows from premises most people, on reflection, accept. If suffering matters morally regardless of who suffers, and if proximity is not morally relevant in itself, the affluent are obligated to give substantially more than they do. The “demandingness” objection (Williams on integrity, Wolf on moral saints) shows the resulting life would be psychologically costly — but psychological cost is a description of the conclusion, not a refutation of the argument.

Position B: Proximity and particular relationships do make a moral difference. Special obligations to those near to us — family, friends, community — are not irrational partiality; they are constitutive of human moral psychology, and a theory that dissolves them into aggregate welfare destroys the relationships that give moral life its texture. Williams’s integrity objection is the canonical statement; whether it is a full refutation of Singer or only a moderation of him is what defenders of B disagree about among themselves.

Choosing Position A commits you to specifying how much you are personally obligated to give and to living accordingly — or to explaining why the argument applies to others but not to you. Choosing Position B commits you to drawing a principled line between legitimate partial concern and mere selfishness — a line that can withstand the objection that it is simply wherever you happened to draw it for your convenience.


3 What is duty — and can it override consequences?

Paul Grüninger, Carl Lutz, and the Murderer at the Border

Paul Grüninger (1891–1972), police commander of Canton St Gallen from 1925, faced an immediate moral problem when Switzerland sealed its border with Austria after the Anschluss of March 1938. Federal regulations required that all entering Austrian Jews bear a “J” stamp on their passports and that those without proper visas be turned back at the border into the territory of the regime they were fleeing.26 Between March 1938 and April 1939, Grüninger systematically falsified entry stamps to predate the closure of the border, registering Jewish refugees as having entered before the new regulations took effect. He thereby admitted, on conservative estimates, around 3,600 Austrian and German Jews who would otherwise have been refused. He was investigated by the federal authorities, dismissed without pension on 28 April 1939, convicted of falsifying official documents in 1940, and died in poverty as a private music teacher in 1972.27 On 30 November 1995 the District Court of St Gallen quashed his conviction posthumously — the first formal Swiss judicial rehabilitation of a wartime official — and the Paul Grüninger Stiftung was founded in 1998. Carl Lutz (1895–1975), Swiss vice-consul in Budapest from 1942, faced an even larger version of the same problem after the German occupation of Hungary in March 1944. Between March and December 1944, working through legal authority that the Federal Council in Bern had not in fact granted him, Lutz issued Schutzbriefe — protective letters claiming Swiss diplomatic protection over their bearers — to an estimated 62,000 Hungarian Jews. He set up 76 protected houses in Budapest’s “international ghetto” and persuaded SS officers and Hungarian fascists that the protection was authorised; it was not.28 On his return to Bern Lutz was reprimanded by the Federal Council for exceeding his authority; full rehabilitation came only in 1958. Both cases are Kantian: a Swiss state functionary lying — through forged stamps, falsified documents, unauthorised diplomatic protection — to murderers at the border, on a scale that saved tens of thousands of lives. Both saw their lying-officials condemned at the time and rehabilitated decades later. Kant’s essay “On a Supposed Right to Lie from Philanthropy” (1797) — discussed in the body below — answers, on its strict reading, that Grüninger and Lutz did wrong: truthfulness is the unconditional duty. The 1995 St Gallen rehabilitation, and the 2014 Akte Grüninger film that brought the case to most Swiss schools, suggest that Swiss institutional and public judgement now reads Kant the other way. The 1994 Hôtel des Mille Collines case during the Rwandan genocide (treated below in the body) is the parallel non-Swiss case at comparable scale.

Singer’s drowning child gave utilitarianism’s standing complaint: it demands too much — strictly applied, it would dissolve the personal life into a global welfare calculation. Deontology faces the mirror objection. Kant’s “murderer at the door” — the case Grüninger and Lutz lived through at the Swiss border and in Budapest in 1938–44, and the case played out at the Hôtel des Mille Collines in Kigali in 1994 — is the inversion: strictly applied, deontology seems to demand too little, forbidding the lie that would save the friend. Whether either framework is in fact vulnerable to its standing complaint, and whether the apparent symmetry between the two is real or rhetorical, are the questions to keep open as the Kantian position is pushed in its strongest form.

3.1 The Hôtel des Mille Collines (Rwanda, 1994)

Between 6 April and mid-July 1994, the Rwandan genocide killed approximately 800,000 Tutsi and moderate Hutu in roughly one hundred days, executed largely by Interahamwe militias armed with machetes and small arms acting on Hutu Power broadcasts and government-issued lists. During those months, around 1,268 Tutsi and moderate Hutu refugees survived inside the Hôtel des Mille Collines in Kigali, a Sabena-owned luxury hotel whose manager, Paul Rusesabagina, was Hutu and married to a Tutsi.29 Interahamwe commanders came repeatedly to the gate with names and room numbers; the refugees were not handed over; the hotel was never overrun. The widely circulated account — popularised by Terry George’s film Hotel Rwanda (2004) and Rusesabagina’s own An Ordinary Man (2006) — is that Rusesabagina himself saved them through bribery, negotiation, and lies told to militia officers about who was inside. That account is contested: UNAMIR’s force commander Roméo Dallaire credited the Congolese UNAMIR peacekeepers stationed at the hotel, not the manager, with the survivals; in a survey of 74 hotel refugees, only three said Rusesabagina had rescued them; UN observer Major Stefan Stec reported that Rusesabagina passed names of threatened refugees to the Rwandan army and that UN observers had to move those refugees to different rooms.30 Rusesabagina was later convicted in Rwanda in September 2021 on terrorism charges arising from alleged leadership of the MRCD-FLN opposition group; the trial was described as a “show trial” by the Clooney Foundation for Justice; the United States designated him as wrongfully detained; his sentence was commuted by presidential order in March 2023.31 The contestation matters for the philosophical use of the case in a specific way. The thought experiment does not require that the historical Rusesabagina was the sole hero, or that his post-genocide conduct was admirable. It requires only that someone at the hotel — the manager, the UN observers, the peacekeepers, the refugees coordinating responses at the gate — repeatedly chose to deceive armed men who had come for the names of those hiding upstairs, and that those deceptions kept over a thousand people alive. The Mille Collines is the African parallel of the Grüninger/Lutz case at scale.

Kant’s deontological ethics is the most ambitious attempt to ground morality in pure reason, independent of what happens to work out well in practice. It is also one of the most counterintuitive — it seems to require that you tell the truth to a murderer who asks where your friend is hiding. Whether this is a reductio ad absurdum of the theory, or a case where moral seriousness requires hard choices, is a genuine philosophical question.

3.2 The Categorical Imperative

Kant’s central moral principle has several formulations. Two are most important:

Formula of Universal Law: “Act only according to that maxim whereby you can at the same time will that it should become a universal law.” (Groundwork, §421)32

Formula of Humanity: “Act so that you treat humanity, whether in your own person or in that of another, always as an end and never as a means only.” (Groundwork, §429)33

The two formulas are supposed to be equivalent, though this is contested. Together they capture what Kant meant by the categorical imperative — an imperative that applies to all rational beings unconditionally, not contingently on what you want (that would be a hypothetical imperative: “if you want X, do Y”).

3.3 Testing Maxims

Kant’s method: extract the maxim of an action — the general principle the action expresses — and ask whether it could be a universal law. Can everyone act on this principle consistently?

Lying: Suppose I lie to someone to get money. My maxim: “Lie when it suits me.” Can I universalise this? If everyone lied whenever it was convenient, the practice of telling the truth that makes lying possible would collapse. (You can only successfully lie if the person you’re lying to expects truth-telling.) The maxim is self-defeating when universalised. Therefore lying is wrong — full stop.

Suicide: Suppose I am in despair and consider ending my life to escape misery. Maxim: “Destroy my life when its continuation brings more suffering than pleasure.” Kant argues this is self-defeating: life is the condition of all action; to destroy life to benefit oneself contradicts the principle that life is valuable as the ground of rational agency.

Helping others: Maxim: “Never help anyone; let everyone fend for themselves.” This can be universalised without contradiction — a world of pure self-sufficiency is not logically impossible. But Kant argues no one could rationally will it: we cannot consistently will a world in which no one would help us, since we know we will need help.

3.4 The Murderer at the Door

Kant’s most notorious commitment: in his essay “On a Supposed Right to Lie from Philanthropy” (1797), he argued that you must not lie to a murderer who asks where your friend is hiding. If you lie and the murderer somehow finds your friend anyway, you are responsible for the outcome. If you tell the truth and the murderer finds and kills your friend, the murderer alone is responsible.

“Truthfulness in statements that one cannot avoid is a human being’s duty to everyone, however great the disadvantage to him or to another that may result from it.” — Immanuel Kant, “On a Supposed Right to Lie from Philanthropy,” in Practical Philosophy, trans. Mary J. Gregor (Cambridge University Press, 1996), AK 8:42634

This seems monstrous. Benjamin Constant and many later philosophers argued that duties apply only to people who have a right to the information — a murderer has forfeited his right to your honest answer.35

Kant’s defenders argue: he is not saying “inform the murderer.” He is saying don’t lie. There is a third option: refuse to answer, misdirect without lying, etc. The strict deontological prohibition on lying does not require handing your friend over.

3.5 Can the Categorical Imperative be Repaired?

The question is not whether Kant produces the wrong verdict in extreme cases — most people agree he does. The question is whether the framework can be revised to produce the right verdict while remaining distinctively Kantian. Several repair strategies have been proposed, and none of them fully succeeds without changing something essential.

1. The third maxim option. Kant himself suggested there is often a third option: you need not lie to the murderer; you can refuse to answer, misdirect without asserting falsehood, or ask why they want to know. The third option assumes a leisureliness that emergencies deny. At the Mille Collines, in a family hiding refugees from a regime, when a militia commander at the gate demands to know which rooms hold Tutsi, there is no time for philosophical evasion. The choice is binary, and Kant’s escape route is not available.

2. The rights-forfeiture approach. A murderer who intends to kill has forfeited their right to honest treatment. Benjamin Constant argued this against Kant directly; Christine Korsgaard has developed a neo-Kantian version.36

But this requires importing a concept of rights forfeiture into the categorical imperative framework, which some regard as a fundamental revision rather than a repair. If we can forfeit our right to honest treatment by our intentions, then the categorical imperative is no longer genuinely categorical — it now has an escape clause that must be adjudicated in each case, which is precisely the structure of consequentialist reasoning Kant was trying to avoid.

3. The conflicting duties resolution. W.D. Ross (The Right and the Good, 1930) argued that we have prima facie duties — duties that hold unless overridden by stronger competing duties.37 In the Rwandan case, the prima facie duty of truth-telling is overridden by the prima facie duty to protect innocent life. This handles the case gracefully. But it also abandons the categorical nature of the categorical imperative, turning it into something much closer to a balancing test — which is exactly what Kant insisted morality could not be, because balancing is precisely where moral reasoning becomes hostage to self-interest and motivated reasoning.

None of these three repairs preserves the framework intact. A repaired framework that allows rights forfeiture, or that treats duties as defeasible, or that requires case-by-case balancing, has changed something Kant himself thought essential. For Williams and the consequentialist tradition generally, that is evidence the framework fails in precisely the cases where moral theory should most help. Korsgaard, O’Neill, and Herman read the same evidence the other way: the murderer-at-the-door essay is a late and atypical text, the deeper Kantian commitment is to the Formula of Humanity, and the apparent rigidity dissolves when one attends to what the categorical imperative actually demands of a rational agent confronting an evildoer. Whether the framework can be reconstructed to handle the Rwandan case without abandoning what makes it Kantian is the open question.

What gives Kant’s framework its continuing philosophical power is its insistence that persons have a dignity that cannot be traded away in a calculation. The Formula of Humanity captures something real. The question is whether that insight can be extracted from the categorical structure in which Kant housed it, or whether the insight and the structure stand and fall together.

Forced Fork: Were Grüninger’s Falsified Stamps a Kantian Failure or a Kantian Duty?

The lesson has presented three repair strategies for the murderer-at-the-door case. Each repair has costs. Choose between two positions on what Grüninger’s case (and Lutz’s, and the Mille Collines parallel) shows about the categorical imperative.

Position A: The categorical imperative is the wrong tool for moral emergencies. At the St Gallen border in 1938, at the Budapest legation in 1944, and at the Hôtel des Mille Collines in 1994, the Kantian prohibition on lying would have required answering border guards, SS officers, and militia commanders truthfully. A framework designed for stable conditions among rational agents breaks down when conditions are not stable. The 1995 Swiss judicial rehabilitation of Grüninger and the 1958 rehabilitation of Lutz are institutional acknowledgements that the strict Kantian verdict is morally untenable. Moral philosophy must either find a framework that works in emergencies or acknowledge that emergencies require different reasoning.

Position B: The categorical imperative is being evaluated on the wrong terms. Kant’s claim is not that the imperative produces best consequences; it is that morality is not about consequences but about acting with unconditional respect for persons. A theory that abandons its principles under pressure is not a moral theory but a negotiation. Grüninger and Lutz did the right thing — but on a Kantian reading they did the right thing through the Formula of Humanity (treating the refugees as ends, not means) rather than against the Formula of Universal Law. Moral responsibility in an emergency belongs primarily to those who created the emergency: the Reich, the Hungarian fascists, the Interahamwe. Telling the Federal Council that one had not falsified stamps was a lie to the Federal Council, but the moral wrong of that lie is dwarfed by — and on Kantian grounds may not even register against — the wrong of handing over refugees to murderers.

Choose one. Position A must identify what framework does work in moral emergencies — and why it does not generate the utilitarian disasters. Position B must say what the Kantian verdict actually is on Grüninger’s falsified stamps, on Lutz’s unauthorised Schutzbriefe, and on the Mille Collines deceptions, and why that reading does not collapse into consequentialism in deontological dress.

3.6 Strengths of Deontology

Despite the hard cases:

  • Deontology takes the separateness of persons seriously. Each person is an end in themselves, not a resource to be traded off against others. This blocks the utilitarian move of sacrificing one for many.
  • It captures the intuition that some things are wrong regardless of consequences: torturing innocents, using people as experimental subjects without consent, punishing the innocent to appease an angry mob.
  • It explains the concept of rights: something you hold against arbitrary interference, even well-intentioned interference.

The trolley case: a deontologist says you may divert the trolley (you are redirecting a threat) but may not push the man off the bridge (you are using him as a means). This distinction — agent-relative vs. agent-neutral considerations — is one of the real insights of deontological thinking.

3.7 Questions to Argue About

  • Can you really not lie to the murderer at the door? If not, is this a reductio of Kant’s theory, or a case where the theory’s rigour forces a hard but correct conclusion?
  • Kant says morality is grounded in reason, not emotion or desire. Does this make ethics more objective — or does it just disguise the fact that our “rational” intuitions are themselves culturally formed?
  • The Formula of Humanity says never treat someone merely as a means. But is it possible to never treat people as means at all? Taxi drivers are treated as means of transport; is that wrong?
  • Utilitarians and deontologists often reach the same conclusions in ordinary cases. What are the genuine, practical implications of the difference between them?

3.8 Stepping Back: What Kind of Claim Is a Moral Claim?

You have now lived through one consequentialist disaster (Singer’s £12 coffee, the trolley body count) and one deontological one (the murderer at the door, Kant’s refusal of the lie). In each you watched a careful moral framework reach a verdict that some readers find right and others find monstrous. That recurring shape raises a deeper, prior question: what kind of claim is “you ought to push him” in the first place? When the consequentialist says it is required and the deontologist says it is forbidden, are they contradicting each other about a moral fact — or expressing incompatible attitudes — or both arguing inside a fiction? Normative ethics asks “what should I do?”; metaethics asks what kind of thing the answer is.

Moral realism holds that moral claims are genuine truth-apt statements about an independently existing moral reality. When we say “gratuitous cruelty is wrong,” we are stating something objectively true, not merely expressing a preference. G.E. Moore (Principia Ethica, 1903) defended a version of this: moral properties like “good” are real, non-natural properties, not reducible to any natural facts about pleasure, evolutionary fitness, or social approval.38

Expressivism holds that moral claims are not statements of fact at all — they express emotional attitudes or prescriptions. A.J. Ayer (Language, Truth and Logic, 1936) put the bluntest version: “If I say to someone, ‘You acted wrongly in stealing that money,’ I am not stating anything more than if I had simply said, ‘You stole that money.’ In adding that this action is wrong I am not making any further statement about it. I am simply evincing my moral disapproval of it.”39 This is sometimes called the boo/hooray theory: moral statements are sophisticated expressions of approval and disapproval, not descriptions of moral facts. Simon Blackburn’s quasi-realism is a more sophisticated descendant: we can talk as if moral claims are true without being committed to moral realism, because the expressive practices are deeply entrenched in human life.40

Error theory (J.L. Mackie, Ethics: Inventing Right and Wrong, 1977) holds a third position: moral claims do purport to state objective facts, but those objective facts don’t exist. Every moral claim is, strictly speaking, false. Mackie called moral objectivity a “queerness” — moral facts, if they existed, would be utterly unlike anything else in the natural world. On his view, morality is a useful and pervasive fiction.41

Thick-concept theory holds that the entire debate above is mis-posed because the genuinely informative parts of our moral vocabulary are not the thin terms — “good”, “right”, “ought” — that the realism/expressivism/error-theory dispute is conducted in, but the thick ones: “cruel”, “treacherous”, “cowardly”, “brutal”, “promised”, “courageous”. Bernard Williams (Ethics and the Limits of Philosophy, 1985) is the central figure. These thick terms, Williams writes, “seem to express a union of fact and value. The way these notions are applied is determined by what the world is like (for instance, by how someone has behaved), and yet, at the same time, their application usually involves a certain valuation of the situation, of persons or actions.”42

To call an act treacherous is not first to describe it neutrally and then to add a private “boo” — as Ayer’s analysis would require — but to apply a single concept that already fuses observation and judgement. The expressivist programme has to claim that thick terms decompose into a descriptive complex plus a thin prescription; Williams argues this decomposition cannot in general be carried out, because someone outside the relevant social world cannot pick out which acts the term applies to. If he is right, expressivism’s clean split between fact and value is a philosopher’s reconstruction imposed on a moral language that never had it.43

The “everything is just a perspective” response to ethical disagreement that TOK students often reach for is a crude version of expressivism. Naming it — and knowing that Ayer defended it, and that Blackburn refined it, and that Mackie’s error theory is a third alternative — immediately raises the level of the discussion.

Back to the trolley, the murderer, the £12 coffee. The four positions are not idle scholasticism. Whether the dispute between the consequentialist and the deontologist is a disagreement about a moral fact (Moore), about attitudes (Ayer/Blackburn), about a shared fiction (Mackie), or mis-posed because the genuinely operative concepts are thick (Williams), changes what would even count as resolving any of the cases the past three lessons have asked you to commit on. Metaethics is the question that determines what ethics, as an area of knowledge, is.


4 What is virtue — and can it be taught?

The Bulger Case and the Question of Moral Formation

A note before reading: this case involves the abduction and killing of a small child by two ten-year-olds; the paragraph that follows includes brief forensic detail necessary to the philosophical question.

On 12 February 1993, two ten-year-old boys, Robert Thompson and Jon Venables, were truanting from school inside the New Strand Shopping Centre in Bootle, Merseyside. CCTV later showed them watching unaccompanied small children for over an hour and trying once, unsuccessfully, to lead away another two-year-old. They then took two-year-old James Bulger by the hand while his mother had momentarily turned to pay in a butcher’s shop, walked him 2.5 miles across Liverpool to a railway line in Walton, and there beat him to death with bricks, stones and an iron bar; they left the body on the track to be cut by a train. The forensic pathologist recorded forty-two separate injuries.44 At trial Thompson and Venables were convicted of abduction and murder, becoming the youngest convicted murderers in modern British history. The case provoked a national crisis about what had made such an act possible in children so young. The trial judge, newspaper editors, and politicians debated whether the boys were innately evil, the product of failed families, or victims of a culture saturated with violent imagery. Aristotle’s account of virtue — that moral character is formed through habituation, through repeated practice within communities that model and reward virtuous behaviour — places enormous weight on the moral environment in which children are raised. Thompson had grown up in a household marked by severe domestic violence and alcohol dependency; both boys had been persistently truanting from school and receiving almost no adult supervision. Aristotle’s question — whether virtue can be taught — is in part a question about what institutions and communities are morally obligated to provide. The Bulger case does not answer that question, but it makes viscerally concrete what is at stake: if character is formed rather than simply chosen, then moral responsibility spreads far beyond the individuals who commit acts, and the philosophical question of whether virtue is teachable becomes a question about who is responsible for the conditions in which children develop.

Ask a child whether it was right to pull the trolley lever and save five people by killing one, and you will get an answer within thirty seconds. Ask an Aristotelian, and the response begins by asking what kind of person you are, what habits you have built, what a person of good character would feel about being placed in such a situation. To a consequentialist this looks like evading the question; to the Aristotelian it looks like correcting a misframing — refusing to extract the dilemma from the life that gives it moral shape. Whether that move is illuminating or evasive is itself in dispute between virtue ethics and its rivals. Aristotle’s ethics is not primarily about rules or calculations. It is about character. The central question is not “what should I do right now?” but “what kind of person should I become?” That re-framing shifts ethics toward the good life (eudaimonia) rather than a decision procedure for dilemmas — and rivals will reply that decision procedures are exactly what ethics is for.

4.1 Eudaimonia and the Good Life

Eudaimonia is usually translated as “happiness” but the Greek word is richer. It means something like human flourishing — living well, functioning well, actualising your capacities as a human being. It is not a feeling (you can feel happy while flourishing, but happiness is a by-product, not the thing itself).

Aristotle’s argument (Nicomachean Ethics, Book I): every action aims at some good. Goods are hierarchically ordered: we do X for the sake of Y, and Y for the sake of Z. There must be some final good — something sought for its own sake, not as a means to anything further. That final good is eudaimonia.

What is eudaimonia? Aristotle answers by asking what is distinctive about humans. All animals live; plants also grow and reproduce. What is distinctively human is rational activity. Eudaimonia is the excellent exercise of distinctively human rational activity over a complete life.

This makes virtue ethics empirically grounded: it is tied to facts about human nature and what constitutes human excellence — facts that Aristotle thought were discoverable through observation and reflection.

4.2 Virtue as Habit (Hexis)

A virtue (arete) is a stable disposition to feel and act in certain ways. Courage is not an isolated act of bravery — it is a settled character trait that reliably produces courageous behaviour in appropriate situations. Aristotle’s key insight:

“We become just by doing just acts, temperate by doing temperate acts, brave by doing brave acts.” — Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, Book II, Chapter 145

We are not born virtuous. We become virtuous through habit (ethos, from which we get “ethics”). Character is formed by repeated action. This is why education and upbringing matter: habits instilled in childhood shape character in ways that are very difficult to change in adulthood.

The virtuous mean: virtues lie between two vices, one of excess and one of deficiency. Courage is the mean between recklessness (excess) and cowardice (deficiency). Generosity is the mean between profligacy and miserliness. This is the doctrine of the mean (mesotes). The mean is not a mathematical average — it is relative to the person and situation.

4.3 Phronesis: Practical Wisdom

The master virtue for Aristotle is phronesis — practical wisdom, or the capacity to reason well about what to do in particular situations. This is not the application of a rule; it is an acquired sensitivity to morally relevant features of situations.

Phronesis is what allows a virtuous person to navigate cases that rules cannot anticipate. It is why character matters: you need judgement, not just knowledge of principles. A doctor with medical knowledge but no practical wisdom may apply procedures wrongly; a doctor with phronesis knows when to deviate from protocol.

Aristotle therefore says ethics cannot be reduced to a calculation or a rule book. NE Book I: “it is the mark of an educated man to look for precision in each class of things just so far as the nature of the subject admits.”46

4.4 Can Virtue Be Taught?

Plato’s Meno begins: “Can virtue be taught?” Socrates claims not to know even what virtue is, so how could he know whether it can be taught? The dialogue concludes — tentatively — that virtue comes neither from teaching nor from nature alone but from divine dispensation to rare individuals.47

Aristotle disagrees: virtue can be cultivated through practice, habituation, and good models. But the process requires the right conditions: good upbringing, good political institutions, freedom from dire poverty. Virtue ethics is therefore deeply social and political.

Modern revival: Alasdair MacIntyre (After Virtue, 1981) argued that modern moral philosophy — dominated by utilitarian and Kantian frameworks — has collapsed, because it debates moral principles while having lost the tradition within which those principles made sense. His prescription: return to Aristotelian virtue ethics, grounded in practices and communities.48

4.5 Questions to Argue About

  • Aristotle says we become courageous by doing courageous acts. But how can you do a courageous act before you have courage? Which comes first — the act or the virtue?
  • Is eudaimonia the same for all humans, or does it differ between individuals and cultures? If it differs, is virtue ethics still universal — or does it collapse into relativism?
  • MacIntyre argues that modern ethics has lost the tradition within which virtues make sense. Does this mean virtue ethics is hopelessly tied to particular communities? Or can a secular, pluralist society support virtue ethics?
  • Aristotle’s doctrine of the mean suggests virtues are context-dependent. Is there a virtue corresponding to ruthlessness or deception in certain situations? (Machiavelli thought so.) Where does virtue ethics draw the line?

Forced Fork: Could Virtue Ethics Have Told Us Anything About Thompson and Venables?

Position A (Hursthouse, On Virtue Ethics (1999), Ch. 1): Virtue ethics does not pretend to be a decision procedure, and is right not to. The demand for one assumes ethics is a calculation problem — Aristotle’s foundational objection. Moral situations require phronesis, which rules cannot replace. On the Bulger case, virtue ethics does not adjudicate Thompson and Venables’s moment of action; it asks what communities owed two ten-year-olds whose character was still forming. That re-framing is itself the contribution.

Position B: Virtue ethics, as a theory, is incomplete in a way that matters. “What would a virtuous person do?” is a placeholder for guidance the theory does not supply. The appeal to phronesis risks circularity (right action = what the wise person does; wise person = who does right) and, with no external check, can ratify whatever locally honoured figures already do. A theory not wieldable by someone who is not yet virtuous has changed the subject, not solved the action-guidance problem.

Choose one. If you choose Position A, explain how phronesis is learned and evaluated — because if there is no standard, the virtuous person is just whoever gets called virtuous by their community. If you choose Position B, specify what decision procedure you would add to virtue ethics without simply importing consequentialism or deontology under a different name.


5 Does morality depend on culture?

Female Genital Cutting and the Reformer’s Dilemma

Female genital cutting (FGC) covers a heterogeneous family of practices — the World Health Organization distinguishes four types, ranging from Type I (partial or total removal of the clitoral glans, “clitoridectomy”) through Type II (excision of the clitoris and labia minora) to Type III (infibulation: narrowing of the vaginal orifice by sealing the labia, the most severe form, prevalent in Somalia, Sudan, and parts of north-east Africa) and Type IV (other non-removal injuries such as pricking, scraping, or burning). Roughly 200 million women and girls alive today have undergone some form of FGC, the great majority in some thirty countries across Africa, the Middle East, and parts of Asia.49 In Gambia (where Type II predominates), the prevalence among women aged 15–49 has remained around 75 per cent. Yahya Jammeh’s government banned FGC by decree in November 2015 — the year after Gambian-American activist Jaha Dukureh, who had herself been cut as an infant, founded Safe Hands for Girls and conducted nationwide testimony work; Dukureh’s campaign rather than foreign NGO pressure is generally credited with the ban.50 In March 2024 Gambian lawmakers introduced a bill to repeal the ban; in July 2024 Parliament voted to uphold it. Enforcement remained inconsistent throughout. The case crystallises what philosophers call the reformer’s dilemma in cultural relativism: if moral truth is internal to a cultural system, then by what standard can a member of that culture argue that the practice is wrong? Ruth Benedict’s cultural relativism would seem to imply that the practice is right for cultures that endorse it. But Dukureh did not experience herself as importing external values — she was arguing from within a Gambian and Muslim identity that the practice misrepresented what that identity required. Her movement illustrates the instability of the relativist position: cultures are not monoliths with single, consistent moral codes, and the individuals within them are capable of moral reasoning that revises the tradition they inherit.

When anthropologists visited societies with radically different moral practices — cultures where infanticide was normal, where theft from strangers was celebrated, where gender roles were utterly unlike our own — the obvious question arose: are these cultures wrong, or are moral standards simply different in different places? This question separates moral relativism from moral universalism, and the answer has enormous practical consequences. It is also, it should be said, a question that tends to make people in liberal societies feel pious on both sides: certain they cannot be judgemental about other cultures, equally certain that female genital mutilation is wrong. The philosophy is the attempt to make those two feelings cohere — or to discover that they cannot.

A note on this particular case-study, which TOK textbooks reach for so reliably that it has become a tell. The FGC example does the work it does because it pits a relativist intuition (respect cultures) against a near-universal modern reaction (revulsion). But the example is itself partly constructed. Janice Boddy’s Civilizing Women (2007) and Bettina Shell-Duncan’s epidemiological work argue that Western framings homogenise practices that vary enormously in form, meaning, and severity across different communities, and that the “relativist vs. universalist” binary erases the substantive internal debate within practising communities — between religious traditionalists, medical reformers, and women’s-rights activists who do not map onto either Western label.

Even those who reject the practice (Nawal El Saadawi from inside Egypt; Hibo Wardere as a survivor-activist; the African feminist scholars associated with the Feminist Africa journal) have argued that the Western activist framing is itself contested, and that the real disagreement is not “us versus them” but a contested politics carried out by African women whose voices the framing tends to erase.51

5.1 Moral Relativism: Ruth Benedict

Ruth Benedict, the American anthropologist, argued in Patterns of Culture (1934) that moral norms are culturally constituted. What counts as normal or good varies by culture, and there is no standpoint outside all cultures from which to judge. She described cultures — including Western culture — as one pattern among many, each coherent on its own terms.

Benedict’s view is sometimes called cultural relativism: the descriptive claim that moral beliefs vary across cultures. This is uncontroversially true. But she sometimes slid toward moral relativism: the normative claim that there are no universal moral standards, and that a moral judgement is valid only relative to a cultural framework.

“Morality is a convenient term for socially approved habits.” — Ruth Benedict, Anthropology and the Abnormal (1934)52

If this is right: “female genital mutilation is wrong” is not a cross-cultural truth — it is the expression of one cultural framework’s norms. It has no more claim to universal validity than the practices of cultures that endorse it.

5.2 The Problem with Moral Relativism

Moral relativism is psychologically appealing — it seems tolerant and anti-imperialist. But it has serious problems:

  1. The reformer’s dilemma: If morality is just culturally approved habit, then moral reformers — abolitionists, suffragettes, those who resisted the Holocaust — were simply wrong by their culture’s standards. William Wilberforce, working from 1787 against the well-defended commercial and theological consensus of an empire whose Caribbean economy depended on enslaved labour, was wrong to oppose the slave trade until enough other people agreed with him to pass the Slave Trade Act of 1807 and (in the year of his death) the Slavery Abolition Act of 1833. This seems unacceptable.53

  2. The tolerance argument is in tension with itself: Relativists often say “we should tolerate other cultures’ moral practices.” But tolerance is itself a moral value, and the relativist owes an account of its status. The sophisticated reply is that the relativist need not assert tolerance as a universal value but as a value internal to the liberal traditions that produced relativism — which makes the position more coherent at the cost of denying its own anti-imperialist appeal (since cultures whose internal traditions endorse intolerance cannot then be criticised on relativist grounds). Either way, “tolerance” is doing more work than the slogan acknowledges.

  3. Disagreement doesn’t entail there is no fact: People disagree about historical questions, about the safety of vaccines, about whether quantum mechanics is complete. We do not conclude from this that there is no fact of the matter. The relativist needs a further argument that moral disagreement is different in kind — most plausibly that it persists under ideal conditions of reflection in a way that scientific disagreement does not. That argument can be made (Mackie’s “argument from relativity” attempts it), but it cannot be skipped.

5.3 Moral Universalism

Moral universalists hold that some moral claims are true regardless of cultural context. The arguments for universalism:

  • Common humanity: all humans are capable of suffering, have basic needs, and stand in relations of mutual dependence. This is offered as ground for at least a minimal universal morality. The relativist’s standing rejoinder — that “what counts as suffering” and “what mutual dependence requires” are themselves culturally inflected — has to be answered, not waved away.
  • Convergence: across radically different cultures, there are striking convergences — prohibitions on gratuitous cruelty, norms of reciprocity, care for children. Whether this is evidence of shared moral truth or merely of shared selection pressures on a cooperative species is exactly where universalist and relativist part company.
  • Moral progress: the abolition of slavery, the extension of rights to women, the recognition of LGBTQ+ rights — these look to most modern observers like progress, not merely change. Two relativist escapes are available: deny that “progress” is anything but a value-laden judgement that begs the question; or grant that within a given culture some changes count as progress on the culture’s own terms (Bernard Williams’s route, distinguishing “real” from “notional” confrontations between value systems54). Neither escape is obviously decisive, and the live question is whether either is enough.

5.4 Kohlberg’s Stages of Moral Development

Lawrence Kohlberg (building on Piaget) proposed that moral reasoning develops through universal stages (The Philosophy of Moral Development, 1981, Vol. 1, Essay 2):55

  1. Pre-conventional: morality is about punishment and reward (children).
  2. Conventional: morality is about conforming to social rules and maintaining relationships (most adults).
  3. Post-conventional: morality is based on universal principles, independent of social rules (few adults reach this).

Stage 3 represents genuinely higher moral reasoning — reasoning that can criticise social norms from a principled standpoint. Kohlberg’s research found these stages across many cultures, suggesting moral development has a universal trajectory even if the content of moral norms varies.

Objection (Carol Gilligan, In a Different Voice, 1982): Kohlberg’s schema valorised an abstract “justice” model of moral reasoning characteristic of (Western, male) research subjects, and undervalued a “care” ethic more characteristic of women’s moral reasoning. The hierarchy of stages is not culturally neutral.56

5.5 The UN Declaration of Human Rights as a Test Case

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (adopted 1948) asserts that certain rights apply to all human beings regardless of nationality, religion, or culture. It was drafted in the shadow of the Holocaust and adopted by the UN General Assembly — but not unanimously.

The universalist assumption: Article 1 — “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.” This is a substantive moral claim, not a cultural one.57

The relativist challenge: Governments from various cultural traditions have argued that the UDHR reflects Western liberal individualist values and cannot simply be imposed on societies with different traditions of community, authority, or religious law. Asian values debate (1990s); Islamic states’ reservations about inheritance law, gender equality provisions.58

The philosophical question: Is the UDHR a statement of universal moral truths, or a powerful particular culture’s values expressed in universal language?

5.6 Questions to Argue About

  • Is the distinction between “cultural relativism” (descriptive) and “moral relativism” (normative) a stable one? Can you accept the former without being committed to the latter?
  • If moral norms are culturally relative, then no culture can be criticised by another. But many moral reformers within their own culture have appealed to principles that transcend local norms. What does this show?
  • Kohlberg’s stages imply that some moral reasoning is better than others. Does this require that some moral conclusions are objectively truer than others?
  • Is the Universal Declaration of Human Rights a universal moral truth — or Western moral imperialism? Is there a difference?

Forced Fork: Is Moral Relativism Coherent?

Position A: Relativism — the view that moral claims are valid only within a cultural framework — cannot accommodate the reformer. The reformer appeals to standards the culture does not yet recognise; on the relativist’s account, this is appealing to nothing. Yet reformers have routinely been right in retrospect, and conceding this (“by our later standards Dukureh was right”) quietly imports the cross-cultural standpoint the position denied. Either Wilberforce was wrong by the standards available to him, or some version of universalism is needed.

Position B: The reformer’s dilemma misunderstands how cultures work. Cultures contain dissenting voices and competing traditions; Dukureh argued from within Gambian and Muslim identity, not from outside it. Relativism properly understood says the standards for criticism are internal to lived traditions, and that “external moral progress” is in every concrete case internal contestation a hostile observer has misread. The position is closer to Bernard Williams’s “relativism of distance” (ELP, Ch. 9) than to the textbook strawman.

Choosing Position A commits you to articulating what the non-relative standard is by which you judge cultures — and to defending this standard against the objection that it is simply your own culture’s values dressed as universals. Choosing Position B commits you to explaining what it means to criticise a practice “from within” a tradition that endorses it, and to saying whether this makes any criticism beyond the tradition’s own terms impossible.


6 Can science tell us what is good?

James Damore’s Google Memo and the “Biological Differences” Argument

In July 2017 the software engineer James Damore, then 28, posted a 10-page document titled Google’s Ideological Echo Chamber to internal Google discussion forums.59 The memo argued that the gender imbalance in Google’s technical workforce — roughly 80% male in engineering — could be explained, in part, by population-average biological differences between men and women in interest and personality (Damore cited meta-analyses by Schmitt, Realo, Voracek, and Allik (2008) and the gender-similarities literature); that, as a consequence, Google’s diversity programmes aiming to equalise outcomes were misdirected; and that the company’s culture punished dissent on this question. The memo went viral on 5 August 2017 when Gizmodo published a leaked copy.60 CEO Sundar Pichai fired Damore on 7 August, citing portions of the memo that violated Google’s Code of Conduct by “advancing harmful gender stereotypes in the workplace.”61 Damore filed a complaint with the National Labor Relations Board (closed without action in early 2018) and a class action against Google for discrimination on the basis of conservative political views (settled in May 2020 on confidential terms).62 Two readings of the memo competed in public. Reading 1, Damore’s: empirical evidence about population-level group differences had been brought to bear on a workplace question, and the company had punished the citation of evidence rather than engage with it. Reading 2, his critics’: the move from “population-level statistical difference” to “individual-level career advice and corporate policy recommendation” smuggled normative content the empirical evidence had not earned, and the resulting harm to women in the workplace was real whatever the meta-analyses’ technical accuracy. The same logical pressure had shown up forty years earlier when Edward O. Wilson’s Sociobiology (1975) tried to ground ethics in evolutionary biology and a protester poured a jug of ice water over his head at the 1978 American Association for the Advancement of Science meeting.63 The Wilson controversy is the canonical historical version of the question and the body of the lesson takes it up directly; Damore is its workplace incarnation, with an HR file and a courtroom record.

The relationship between science and morality is one of the most contested questions in contemporary philosophy. The temptation runs both ways: if science can tell us about human psychology, neuroscience, and evolutionary history, why can’t it tell us how we should act? — and conversely, if morality has any grip on us, why should it not be answerable to the best account of what we are? Hume’s objection (Treatise, III.I.I64) is a point about what an argument’s premises license. From purely descriptive premises — sentences of the form “X is the case” — you cannot validly derive a normative conclusion of the form “Y ought to be done,” because the conclusion contains a concept (“ought”) that is nowhere in the premises. No amount of empirical evidence supplies that concept on its own. The interesting question is not whether the gap exists — it does — but how narrow it is, and whether minimal additional premises can bridge it.

6.1 The Is-Ought Gap, Applied

Hume showed that you cannot derive an “ought” from an “is” — no set of purely descriptive premises entails a normative conclusion. Applied to ethics: no scientific facts, however comprehensive, automatically generate moral conclusions. You need an additional normative premise.

This doesn’t mean science is irrelevant to ethics. It means:

  • Science tells you the consequences of actions — what will happen if you do X.
  • Science tells you what people prefer, what causes suffering, what promotes welfare.
  • But “this action causes suffering” does not, by itself, entail “this action is wrong” — without the further premise that causing suffering is (other things equal) wrong.

That further premise is not itself a scientific discovery.

6.2 E.O. Wilson’s Sociobiology

Edward O. Wilson (Sociobiology: The New Synthesis, 1975; On Human Nature, 1978) argued that human moral intuitions — altruism, kin preference, reciprocity — can be explained by evolutionary biology. We care for our children because kin selection promotes gene replication. We have a sense of fairness because it stabilises cooperative groups.

Wilson went further: ethics should be “biologised.” Our moral intuitions are adaptations, shaped by natural selection. Understanding this should inform our ethical thinking.65

The philosophical problem: even granting that our moral intuitions are products of evolution, this on its own does not show they are correct. The evolutionary debunking argument (Sharon Street, Richard Joyce) presses the point: natural selection tracks reproductive success, and unless one has a separate reason to think reproductive success correlates with moral truth, the evolutionary origin of intuitions undermines confidence in them — at least for the moral realist for whom there is moral truth to be tracked. The realist faces a dilemma: either show that selection pressures did track moral truth (a tall order), or find a non-realist account on which the debunking argument has no purchase. Wilson’s move from “evolution produced our moral sense” to “what our moral sense says is right” is an instance of the naturalistic fallacy, and the moves needed to repair it are what divide naturalists from non-naturalists in contemporary metaethics.

6.3 G.E. Moore’s Naturalistic Fallacy

G.E. Moore (Principia Ethica, 1903) argued that any attempt to define “good” in terms of natural properties — pleasure, survival, what evolution favoured — commits the naturalistic fallacy. His Open Question Argument: for any natural property N, the question “Is N good?” remains genuinely open. If good just meant N, the question would be trivially closed.66

This creates a puzzle: if good cannot be defined in natural terms, what is goodness? Moore thought it was a simple, non-natural property, directly apprehended through moral intuition. This view — moral non-naturalism — has its own difficulties.

The practical upshot: be suspicious of arguments that move directly from “evolution/neuroscience shows we have X tendency” to “we should embrace/reject X.” The normative step needs independent argument.

6.4 Sam Harris: The Moral Landscape

Sam Harris (The Moral Landscape, 2010) argues that Hume’s guillotine can be cut through: if we define morality as concerning the wellbeing of conscious creatures, then science can study morality — because wellbeing is an empirical phenomenon.

“There are right and wrong answers to moral questions, just as there are right and wrong answers to factual questions about the world.” — Sam Harris, The Moral Landscape (2010), Chapter 167

Harris’s move: accept one normative premise (wellbeing matters) as a foundational axiom, and then do science about how to maximise it. The foundational axiom is not itself derived from science, but everything else can be.

The objection: the foundational premise — “wellbeing is what morality is about” — is contested. A Kantian would say morality is about duty, not wellbeing. A virtue ethicist would say it’s about character. Harris is defining the problem away rather than solving it. His foundational commitment is itself a moral stance in need of justification.

6.5 What Neuroscience Can and Cannot Tell Us

Neuroscience of morality (Joshua Greene et al., “An fMRI Investigation of Emotional Engagement in Moral Judgment,” Science 293, 2001; Jonathan Haidt) has shown:

  • Moral judgements involve both emotional and rational brain circuits.
  • Trolley-type dilemmas activate different neural responses depending on whether harm is “personal” (pushing) or “impersonal” (switching).
  • Moral intuitions are often post-hoc rationalisations of gut reactions (Haidt’s “moral dumbfounding” experiments, first reported in Haidt, “The Emotional Dog and Its Rational Tail,” Psychological Review 108.4, 2001).

Jonathan Haidt (The Righteous Mind, 2012): moral reasoning is largely motivated reasoning — we reach conclusions emotionally and then construct arguments to justify them. This is “the rider and the elephant”: reason (rider) sits atop moral emotion (elephant) and mostly goes where the elephant goes.68

The epistemological implication: if much moral reasoning is post-hoc rationalisation, should we trust moral arguments at all? Or is the right response to take moral intuitions more seriously as data — as Rawls suggested?

6.6 Questions to Argue About

  • Harris says accepting “wellbeing matters” as a foundational axiom allows science to study morality. But who gets to choose the axiom? And if the axiom is a moral commitment, hasn’t Harris just conceded Hume’s point?
  • Evolutionary psychology explains our moral intuitions as adaptations for fitness. Does this make our moral beliefs less trustworthy — since they were selected for reproductive success, not truth?
  • Haidt argues that moral reasoning is mostly post-hoc rationalisation. If that’s right, should we trust philosophical argument in ethics? Or does this point undermine the whole enterprise?
  • Is there a version of naturalism in ethics that avoids the naturalistic fallacy? Or does any attempt to ground ethics in natural facts face Moore’s Open Question?

Forced Fork: Was Damore’s Memo a Legitimate Citation of Evidence — or a Smuggled “Ought”?

The case is in the info-box above. Damore cited population-level meta-analyses on sex differences in interest and personality (Schmitt et al. 2008; Hyde 2005) and used them to argue against Google’s diversity programmes and in favour of policy alternatives. He was fired. He sued. The earlier E. O. Wilson controversy of 1975–78 (treated above in the body) is the historical version of the same dispute.

Position A (with Damore, and against the Sociobiology Study Group’s position thirty years on): The is-ought gap is real but narrower than Hume’s strongest readers have made it. Once a single, broadly shared evaluative commitment is in place — say, “hiring should track relevant capacity” — empirical inquiry can do substantial moral and policy work, as Harris argues: identifying which interventions actually equalise outcomes, where preferences are causally responsive to environmental change, where they track parochial accidents. Damore’s memo was an attempt at this: cite evidence, propose policy implications, invite engagement. Google’s response was to fire him. That was a political reading of a philosophical question, and on the philosophical question Google’s position overreached. The Sociobiology Study Group’s tactics in 1975 were the same; they were wrong then, too.

Position B (with Google’s stated reason, and with Wilson’s critics): “Hiring should track relevant capacity” is not a neutral starting point any more than Harris’s “wellbeing matters” is. The choices buried in which capacity, measured how, weighted against what other goods, and at the cost of which workplace consequences for whom are normative all the way down. Damore’s move from population-level statistical differences in interest to individual-level career advice and corporate-policy recommendations smuggled premises the meta-analyses do not supply, and the resulting harm to women in the workplace was real regardless of the meta-analyses’ technical accuracy. Hume’s gap is not narrower than it looks; it is wider. Damore — like Wilson, and like Harris — has defined the problem away rather than solved it.

Choose one. If you accept Position A, specify what you would do when two cultures (or two divisions of the same multinational firm) have incompatible answers to “what counts as relevant capacity,” both internally coherent. If you accept Position B, say what, if anything, evolutionary or psychological research can legitimately contribute to a workplace policy debate — without disappearing into the position that no empirical finding ever has practical implications until everyone agrees on the values.


7 What are human rights — and where do they come from?

Eleanor Roosevelt and the Drafting of the UDHR

In January 1947, Eleanor Roosevelt chaired the first meeting of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, tasked with drafting what would become the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.69 The philosophical challenge was immediate: the eighteen-member commission included representatives from the United States, the Soviet Union, China, Lebanon, Chile, and Australia, and they brought incompatible metaphysical foundations. The Lebanese representative Charles Malik argued that rights had to be grounded in natural law and the inherent dignity of the human person. The Chinese representative Peng-chun Chang insisted that Confucian concepts of benevolence and social harmony were equally capable of grounding human rights without any appeal to natural law. The Soviet representatives objected to framing rights as protections against the state rather than entitlements provided by the state. Roosevelt herself was pragmatic: she argued that the commission should seek agreement on the practical content of rights without requiring agreement on their philosophical foundation — precisely the strategy Richard Rorty would later defend theoretically as “rights as constructed.” The Declaration was adopted in December 1948 with forty-eight votes in favour and eight abstentions. The philosophical disagreements that were deferred in 1947 remain unresolved, but the document stands regardless.

“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights.”70 The American Declaration of Independence declares its moral foundation to be self-evident — the one kind of claim that requires no argument. Jefferson was a philosopher, and he knew perfectly well that this was a rhetorical move, not a proof. Rights are easy to invoke and hard to ground. The concept is central to contemporary moral and political discourse — the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) asserts that every human being, by virtue of being human, has certain inalienable rights — but the hard philosophical question is: inalienable according to what, exactly? Where do they come from?

7.1 Natural Rights: Locke

John Locke (Two Treatises of Government, 1689) argued that humans have natural rights to life, liberty, and property — rights that exist in the state of nature, prior to any political arrangement. These rights are grounded in the nature of human beings as rational, created by God, with inherent dignity.

“The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it, which obliges every one: and reason, which is that law, teaches all mankind, who will but consult it, that being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions.” — John Locke, Second Treatise of Government, Chapter II, §671

Locke’s rights are pre-political. Governments are legitimate only insofar as they protect these natural rights. A government that systematically violates natural rights forfeits its legitimacy and can be overthrown.

The problem: the claim that rights are grounded in God and nature requires the existence of God and a particular account of nature. For those who do not share these metaphysical assumptions, the grounding fails. Jeremy Bentham called natural rights “nonsense upon stilts.”72

7.2 Social Contract: Rousseau and Rawls

Jean-Jacques Rousseau (The Social Contract, 1762): rights are the product of a social contract — an agreement among persons to form a political community under shared rules. Rights are what rational persons would agree to in constructing a political framework.

John Rawls (A Theory of Justice, 1971) gives the most sophisticated modern version. The original position: imagine you must choose the basic principles of a just society from behind a veil of ignorance — without knowing your gender, race, class, talents, or conception of the good. What principles would rational persons choose?73

Rawls’s answer: they would choose principles that maximise the position of the worst-off (the difference principle) and guarantee basic liberties for all. Rights, on this view, are what rational persons would construct if freed from self-interest.74

The strength: Rawls generates rights without needing God or a fixed “nature.” The grounding is in rational agreement.

The problem: the original position is a thought experiment. Real social contracts were made by some people at particular times, typically excluding others. And rational choice behind the veil of ignorance requires idealising people in ways that may not reflect actual moral psychology.

7.3 Rights as Constructed: Rorty

Richard Rorty (Human Rights, Rationality, and Sentimentality, 1993) takes a deflationary view: human rights are not grounded in nature, God, or rational construction. They are historical achievements — cultural practices that extend the circle of moral concern progressively. Instead of asking “what are the philosophical foundations of human rights?” we should ask “how do we get more people to care about more human beings?”75

Rorty’s answer: through literature, narrative, and emotional identification. When people read novels, watch films, and hear stories about the suffering of distant others, they extend empathy. Rights practices spread through sentiment, not philosophical argument.

The objection: if rights are just constructed cultural practices with no deeper grounding, what do we say to someone who rejects the practices? Philosophical foundations are precisely what is needed when cultural consensus breaks down.

7.4 Rights in Conflict

Article 19 of the UDHR: “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression.” Article 12: “No one shall be subjected to arbitrary interference with his privacy.”76 These two rights are regularly in tension — publication of private information, defamatory speech, incitement to hatred.

Rights frameworks do not resolve these conflicts automatically. They require judgement about which right takes priority in which circumstances — and that judgement requires moral argument, not just a list of rights.

Further conflicts:

  • Freedom of speech vs. protection from hate speech: Does freedom of expression include the right to incite violence against minorities?
  • Property rights vs. basic needs: Do people have a right to food, shelter, and healthcare that overrides others’ property rights?
  • Individual rights vs. collective welfare: Can states compel vaccination to protect public health?

Forced Fork: Was the UDHR a Discovery or a Construction?

Position A: Rights are real pre-political entitlements grounded in what human beings are — rational, self-directing creatures whose dignity does not depend on any government’s recognition. On this view, a right violated is a genuine moral wrong regardless of whether any legal system acknowledges it. The UDHR is a recognition of something that was already true.

Position B: Rights are social constructions — agreements among persons (actual or hypothetical) about what protections to guarantee each other. They have no force beyond the practices and institutions that maintain them. On this view, the UDHR is a valuable achievement, not a discovery of pre-existing facts.

Choose one. Position A must identify the natural foundation of rights once Locke’s God is removed — and say why the account does not collapse into universalised cultural intuition. Position B must explain why rights practices should be maintained when costly, and what to say to someone who rejects the construction entirely rather than defects from it.

7.5 Questions to Argue About

  • If God does not exist, does Locke’s natural rights theory collapse? Is there a version of natural rights that doesn’t require a theological foundation?
  • Rawls’ veil of ignorance is supposed to eliminate bias from the choice of principles. But is it possible to choose behind a veil of ignorance — doesn’t choosing still require a conception of what matters?
  • Rorty says rights practices spread through stories and sentiment, not philosophical argument. Is he right that narrative is more effective than argument in expanding the circle of moral concern? And if he’s right, does that tell us anything about the grounding of rights?
  • When freedom of speech conflicts with protection from harm, how should we decide which right wins? Is there a principled method — or is it always a political judgement?

8 How far does our moral circle extend?

The Silver Spring Monkeys and the Birth of the Animal Rights Movement

In May 1981, Alex Pacheco — co-founder of People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) — began volunteering at the Institute for Behavioural Research in Silver Spring, Maryland, run by the behavioural neuroscientist Edward Taub. Taub was investigating neuroplasticity by severing the dorsal-root afferent nerves supplying sensation from one or both arms of seventeen macaque monkeys (a procedure called deafferentation) and then restraining the unaffected limb so the animal was forced to use the limb it could not feel. The scientific question — whether the adult brain could remap its motor cortex to compensate — was a real one, and Taub’s later work on the same principle (constraint-induced movement therapy) became standard rehabilitation for human stroke patients.77 Pacheco photographed the laboratory — animals in cramped wire cages, faecal accumulations, untreated self-inflicted wounds where the monkeys had bitten through their insensate flesh — and took the photographs to Montgomery County police, who in September 1981 conducted the first police seizure of laboratory animals in United States history. Taub was charged with seventeen counts of cruelty under Maryland law and initially convicted on six (later reduced to one); the conviction was finally overturned on appeal in 1983 on the technical ground that Maryland’s animal-cruelty statute did not reach federally funded laboratories. The case nevertheless became a founding moment for the modern animal-rights movement and directly amplified Peter Singer, whose 1975 Animal Liberation had provided the philosophical framework for challenging speciesism — the assumption that membership in the human species is itself a morally relevant characteristic. Singer’s argument was straightforward: if we object to racism because it grants moral consideration on the basis of an arbitrary biological characteristic, consistency requires objecting to speciesism on the same grounds. The Silver Spring case gave that abstract argument names, faces, and photographs, and forced the question of where, precisely, in the chain of biological life our obligations end.

The history of moral progress can be told as the expansion of the moral circle — the set of beings whose interests count morally. It has expanded from the tribe, to the nation, to all humans, and there is ongoing argument about whether it should extend further: to animals, to future generations, to ecosystems, possibly to artificial minds. The question of where the circle stops is one of the most practically urgent questions in contemporary ethics.

8.1 Peter Singer on Animal Liberation

Peter Singer (Animal Liberation, 1975; Practical Ethics, 1979) made the philosophical case for extending the moral circle to animals with unusual rigour.78 His starting point is the utilitarian principle: suffering counts morally, regardless of whose it is. The capacity to suffer is the relevant criterion for moral consideration, not intelligence, rationality, or species membership.

Jeremy Bentham had already put it:

“The question is not, Can they reason? nor, Can they talk? but, Can they suffer?” — Jeremy Bentham, Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation (1789), Footnote to Chapter XVII79

Singer extends this: factory-farmed animals suffer enormously, their suffering counts morally, and on his view we routinely give it less weight than equivalent human suffering for reasons he argues amount to species prejudice — what Richard Ryder named speciesism, by analogy to racism.80 Singer’s claim is not that any preference for one’s own species is unwarranted; it is that the standard reasons offered for the preference (rationality, language, social complexity) do not in fact track the morally relevant property — capacity to suffer — and therefore cannot do the discriminating work assigned to them.

The argument does not require that animals have the same moral status as humans. It requires only that equal suffering deserves equal moral weight, and that current practice gives animal suffering far less weight than equivalent human suffering for reasons Singer argues will not stand up. Critics (Cohen, Scruton, Cora Diamond) reply that the analogy with racism mischaracterises species membership, that a being’s place in a “form of life” is itself morally relevant, and that the calculus Singer requires for cross-species comparison is more contested than he allows.

8.2 The Moral Status of Future Generations

Do people who don’t yet exist have moral claims on us? This question bears directly on climate change, nuclear waste disposal, and long-term environmental policy.

The standard consequentialist answer: future people will be able to suffer and flourish; their interests count; therefore present actions that harm them are wrong. On this view, failing to address climate change is a massive moral failure — since the harms fall on people who have no say in present decisions.

The non-identity problem (Derek Parfit, Reasons and Persons, 1984): here is a puzzle.81 The specific people who will exist in 2150 depend on every decision made between now and then (different choices lead to different people meeting and having different children). If we had pursued a different energy policy, the specific individuals alive in 2150 would not have existed. Those individuals cannot be harmed by our policy, because without that policy, they would not exist to be harmed. Different (perhaps better-off) people would exist instead.

Parfit calls this the non-identity problem: when the number or identity of future persons depends on our decisions, standard harm-based moral reasoning has strange implications. This is a live problem in moral philosophy and has not been fully resolved.

8.3 Environmental Ethics

Do non-human organisms, species, or ecosystems have intrinsic moral value — independently of their usefulness to humans or other sentient creatures?

  • Anthropocentrism: only humans have intrinsic value. Nature has instrumental value — insofar as it serves human interests.
  • Sentientism (Singer): all sentient creatures have intrinsic value.
  • Biocentrism (Paul Taylor, Respect for Nature, 1986): all living things have a “good of their own” that deserves moral consideration. A tree has interests (in flourishing) even without consciousness.82
  • Ecocentrism (Aldo Leopold, A Sand County Almanac, 1949): the “land ethic” — ecosystems and species have value that transcends the value of individual organisms. “A thing is right when it tends to preserve the integrity, stability, and beauty of the biotic community.”83

These positions generate different prescriptions. An anthropocentrist and an ecocentrist agree that the Amazon rainforest should be preserved — but for entirely different reasons. Their agreement may not survive cases where human interests clash with ecosystem integrity.

8.4 The Moral Status of Artificial Minds

If a sufficiently sophisticated AI system can suffer — or can have something functionally equivalent to preferences, desires, and aversions — does it have moral status?

The question is not purely futuristic; it forces us to clarify what grounds moral consideration:

  • Sentience (capacity to suffer): on Singer’s view, a suffering AI has moral status.
  • Rationality: on Kant’s view, only rational agents who can give and respond to reasons have moral status — and whether an AI can genuinely do this is contested.
  • Relational accounts: moral status is partly constituted by relationships and social recognition — not purely intrinsic properties.

The question of AI moral status is live enough that some philosophers (Nick Bostrom, David Chalmers) treat it as a serious issue, not science fiction.84

8.5 Questions to Argue About

  • Singer’s argument against speciesism rests on the analogy with racism and sexism: we can’t privilege our own species without an argument any more than we can privilege our own race. Is this analogy good? Are there morally relevant differences between species membership and race?
  • Bentham’s criterion — “Can they suffer?” — includes many animals but excludes plants, ecosystems, and future persons (who don’t yet exist). Is suffering the right criterion for moral consideration?
  • Parfit’s non-identity problem seems to imply that we can’t harm future generations by our choices if different choices would have led to different people existing. Does this argument work? What are its limits?
  • Leopold’s “land ethic” says ecosystems have intrinsic value. But how do we weigh ecosystem integrity against the basic needs of human beings who depend on those ecosystems for survival?

Forced Fork: Were Taub’s Silver Spring Experiments a Moral Atrocity?

Position A (Singer): The analogy between speciesism and racism is sound. If race is morally irrelevant because it grants privilege on an arbitrary biological characteristic, species membership is irrelevant on the same grounds. Taub’s deafferentation of macaques was a moral atrocity that any consistent anti-racist must condemn. The later therapeutic payoff (constraint-induced movement therapy for stroke patients) no more licences the original wrong than the medical findings of Nazi hypothermia experiments licenced those.

Position B: The analogy fails. Race does not track morally relevant capacities — rationality, self-consciousness, life plans, moral agency. Species membership does. Singer’s equal-suffering principle is true; but the wrongness of Taub’s experiments is that the suffering was disproportionate to what could only be learned by such means — a charge that does not require Singer’s equal-weight principle. Later therapeutic payoff is not the issue; counterfactual non-invasive routes are.

Choose one. Position A must say what follows practically — diet, consumer choices, political commitments. Position B must state which features of a being generate moral consideration, and why a severely brain-damaged human lacking those features retains full moral standing while a healthy chimpanzee does not.


9 Media

Novels, films, and artworks that illuminate the questions above:

  • Fyodor Dostoevsky, The Brothers Karamazov (1880) — Ivan Karamazov’s “Rebellion” chapter poses one of the most powerful objections to utilitarian theodicy: can any ultimate harmony justify the suffering of even one innocent child? Indispensable for thinking about consequentialism and the limits of moral calculation.
  • Ursula K. Le Guin, “The Ones Who Walk Away from Omelas” (1973) — A short story. A utopia is built on the suffering of one child. Its citizens know this. Some accept it; some walk away. A masterclass in consequentialist dilemmas, written by a literary artist rather than a philosopher.
  • Kazuo Ishiguro, The Remains of the Day (1989) — A butler reflects on a life of perfect professional duty and wonders whether he made the right choices. An oblique, devastating meditation on virtue, integrity, and what is owed to those with moral authority over us.
  • Michael Sandel, Justice: What’s the Right Thing to Do? (2009) — Not fiction, but based on Harvard’s most popular course. Accessible and philosophically honest survey of consequentialism, deontology, and virtue ethics using real cases. The companion video lectures are freely available.
  • Cormac McCarthy, The Road (2006) — Father and son surviving a post-apocalyptic world. Ethics stripped to its bare minimum: what do we owe each other when all social structures have collapsed? Which moral intuitions survive, and which dissolve?
  • Ridley Scott, Blade Runner (1982) (and Denis Villeneuve’s Blade Runner 2049, 2017) — The moral status of artificial beings; what grounds personhood; the ethics of creating conscious life for exploitation. Connects to the final lesson on extending the moral circle.

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Taub, Edward, et al. “Technique to Improve Chronic Motor Deficit after Stroke.” Archives of Physical Medicine and Rehabilitation 74.4 (1993): 347–354.

Taylor, Paul W. Respect for Nature: A Theory of Environmental Ethics. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986.

Thomson, Judith Jarvis. “The Trolley Problem.” Yale Law Journal 94.6 (1985): 1395–1415.

UNICEF. Female Genital Mutilation: A New Generation Calls for Ending an Old Practice. New York: UNICEF, 2020.

Williams, Bernard. “A Critique of Utilitarianism.” In Utilitarianism: For and Against, by J. J. C. Smart and Bernard Williams. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973.

Williams, Bernard. “The Truth in Relativism.” Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society 75 (1974–1975): 215–228.

Williams, Bernard. Ethics and the Limits of Philosophy. London: Fontana / Harvard University Press, 1985. Reprinted Routledge Classics, 2011.

Wilson, E. O. Sociobiology: The New Synthesis. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1975.

Wilson, E. O. On Human Nature. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978.

Wolf, Susan. “Moral Saints.” Journal of Philosophy 79.8 (1982): 419–439.

World Health Organization. Eliminating Female Genital Mutilation: An Interagency Statement. Geneva: WHO/UNFPA/UNICEF/UN Women et al., 2008.

Wrong, Michela. “The Hotel Rwanda hero who became a ‘terrorist’.” African Arguments, 8 September 2020.

11 Notes


  1. Derek Parfit, On What Matters, 2 vols. (2011). Parfit worked on the book for roughly three decades; a third volume appeared posthumously in 2017.↩︎

  2. For a detailed account see Richard Harris and Craig Challen, Against All Odds: Walking into the Flooded Cave to Rescue the Thai Boys’ Soccer Team (Crows Nest: Allen & Unwin, 2020), and the Thai Navy SEAL operational report summarised in Britannica, “Tham Luang cave rescue.” Saman Kunan’s death on 6 July 2018 and Beirut Pakbara’s later death from blood infection are documented in BBC News, “Thai cave rescue: Saman Kunan death,” and Reuters, “Thai navy diver dies of cave rescue blood infection” (1 January 2020).↩︎

  3. Jeremy Bentham, An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation (1789), Chapter I (“Of the Principle of Utility”), §1 — opening sentence. Verified against the held primary (Burns/Hart/Rosen 2005 Athlone/OUP edition, p. 11 / PDF p. 125). The slogan-form “the greatest happiness of the greatest number” — which Bentham took from Hutcheson and Beccaria — appears in his Preface (PDF p. 53) as “it is the greatest happiness of the greatest number that is the measure of right and wrong”; the catchphrase “foundation of morals and legislation” is loose paraphrase rather than verbatim Bentham, and is not used here as a direct quotation.↩︎

  4. Henry Sidgwick, The Methods of Ethics, 7th ed. (London: Macmillan, 1907 [1874]), Book IV, Chapter I (the underdetermination of “greatest happiness” as between sum-total, average, and other aggregation rules). R. M. Hare, Moral Thinking: Its Levels, Method, and Point (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981), Chapters 2–3 (the intuitive/critical two-level distinction). For the contemporary statement of average vs. total utilitarianism and its bearing on population ethics, see Derek Parfit, Reasons and Persons (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984), Part IV.↩︎

  5. Immanuel Kant, Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals (1785), Second Section, §421 in the Academy edition pagination.↩︎

  6. Will Durant, The Story of Philosophy (1926), Chapter 2 (“Aristotle and Greek Science”). Durant paraphrases Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics II.1 and II.4; the epigrammatic rendering “We are what we repeatedly do” is Durant’s composition, not a direct translation.↩︎

  7. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, Book II, Chapter 1. The Ross translation reads: “moral virtue comes about as a result of habit, whence also its name (ἠθική) is one that is formed by a slight variation from the word ἔθος (habit).”↩︎

  8. Mengzi 2A.6, trans. Bryan Van Norden, Mengzi: With Selections from Traditional Commentaries (Hackett, 2008). The compassion-at-the-well example is the locus classicus for Mencius’s argument that the sprouts of moral character are descriptively present in human nature; the developmental claim — that they must be cultivated, just as a sapling must be tended — is at 6A.7 (“the way of the gentleman is to seek the lost heart”). Cf. Wong, “Mengzi,” Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, for the comparison with Aristotelian hexis.↩︎

  9. Philippa Foot, “The Problem of Abortion and the Doctrine of Double Effect,” Oxford Review 5 (1967): 5–15; Judith Jarvis Thomson, “The Trolley Problem,” Yale Law Journal 94.6 (1985): 1395–1415. Thomson had already introduced the bystander-at-the-switch variation in her earlier “Killing, Letting Die, and the Trolley Problem,” Monist 59 (1976): 204–217.↩︎

  10. G. E. M. Anscombe, “Modern Moral Philosophy,” Philosophy 33.124 (1958): 1–19; Bernard Williams, “A Critique of Utilitarianism,” in J. J. C. Smart and Bernard Williams, Utilitarianism: For and Against (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973), §§3, 5 (the “integrity” objection). For the dual-process empirical literature: Joshua D. Greene et al., “An fMRI Investigation of Emotional Engagement in Moral Judgment,” Science 293 (2001): 2105–2108, and Greene, Moral Tribes (New York: Penguin, 2013). For the artefact critique: Christopher W. Bauman et al., “Revisiting External Validity: Concerns about Trolley Problems and Other Sacrificial Dilemmas in Moral Psychology,” Social and Personality Psychology Compass 8.9 (2014): 536–554; Daniel M. Bartels and David A. Pizarro, “The Mismeasure of Morals,” Cognition 121 (2011): 154–161. Survey: David Edmonds, Would You Kill the Fat Man? The Trolley Problem and What Your Answer Tells Us about Right and Wrong (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014).↩︎

  11. The FTX bankruptcy filing of 11 November 2022 (United States Bankruptcy Court for the District of Delaware, Case 22-11068) and the SEC’s accompanying complaint against Sam Bankman-Fried (filed 13 December 2022, S.D.N.Y.) document the transfer of customer assets to Alameda Research. Press coverage: Financial Times, Wall Street Journal, Bloomberg (11–14 November 2022). Book-length account: Michael Lewis, Going Infinite: The Rise and Fall of a New Tycoon (New York: W. W. Norton, 2023). [VERIFY]↩︎

  12. William MacAskill, Doing Good Better: Effective Altruism and a Radical New Way to Make a Difference (London: Guardian Faber, 2015). For the longtermist extension see MacAskill, What We Owe the Future (London: Oneworld, 2022), the book FTX-affiliated funds were widely reported to have helped publicise. The “earning to give” strategy is set out at Doing Good Better, Chapter 5. [VERIFY]↩︎

  13. William MacAskill, public statement and Twitter thread of 11 and 25 November 2022, distancing the EA movement from Bankman-Fried personally and condemning the underlying conduct. See also MacAskill’s later 8 December 2022 Effective Altruism Forum post “What I Got Wrong on Sam Bankman-Fried.” [VERIFY]↩︎

  14. For the internal debate within Effective Altruism, see Émile P. Torres, “Why effective altruism failed Sam Bankman-Fried — and the rest of us,” Salon, 17 November 2022; Carla Cremer, “How effective altruism let Sam Bankman-Fried happen,” The Guardian, 24 November 2022; Kelsey Piper, “We had a wake-up call,” Vox, 16 November 2022. The longtermist branch’s structural complicity is argued in Torres, Human Extinction: A History of the Science and Ethics of Annihilation (London: Routledge, 2023). [VERIFY]↩︎

  15. Fyodor Dostoevsky, The Brothers Karamazov (1880), Book V, Chapter 4 (“Rebellion”). Translation as in the Pevear and Volokhonsky edition (1990).↩︎

  16. Jeremy Bentham, Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation (1789), Chapter IV (“Value of a Lot of Pleasure or Pain, How to Be Measured”).↩︎

  17. Jeremy Bentham, Panopticon; or, The Inspection-House (1791). Bentham pursued the scheme from 1791 until its final rejection by Parliament in 1813; see Janet Semple, Bentham’s Prison: A Study of the Panopticon Penitentiary (1993).↩︎

  18. For the contemporary record of the experimental education conducted by James Mill (with Bentham’s involvement), see John Stuart Mill, Autobiography (1873), Chapters I–II; for the modern reconstruction see Richard Reeves, John Stuart Mill: Victorian Firebrand (London: Atlantic Books, 2007), Chapters 1–3, and Bruce Mazlish, James and John Stuart Mill: Father and Son in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Basic Books, 1975).↩︎

  19. John Stuart Mill, Autobiography (1873), Chapter V (“A Crisis in My Mental History”). Mill dates his breakdown to the autumn of 1826, when he was twenty.↩︎

  20. Bentham’s directions are set out in his late text Auto-Icon; or, Farther Uses of the Dead to the Living (composed 1832; first published privately, London, 1842). For the institutional history of the auto-icon at University College London, see C. F. A. Marmoy, “The ‘Auto-Icon’ of Jeremy Bentham at University College, London,” Medical History 2.2 (1958): 77–86.↩︎

  21. John Stuart Mill, Utilitarianism (1863), Chapter II (“What Utilitarianism Is”).↩︎

  22. Robert Nozick, Anarchy, State, and Utopia (1974), Chapter 3 (“Moral Constraints and the State”), section “The Experience Machine.”↩︎

  23. Peter Singer, “Famine, Affluence, and Morality,” Philosophy and Public Affairs 1.3 (1972): 229–243. The essay opens with the situation in the East Bengal refugee camps following the November 1970 cyclone and the 1971 Bangladesh war of independence.↩︎

  24. For the strong-versus-moderate distinction, see Singer, “Famine, Affluence, and Morality” (1972), §§II–III, and the restatement in Peter Singer, The Life You Can Save: Acting Now to End World Poverty (New York: Random House, 2009). The 5% / 95-per-cent-of-Americans figure is Singer’s own framing in the introductory chapter of Life You Can Save: “I will close with a reasonable standard that, for 95 percent of Americans, can be met by giving no more than 5 percent of their income.” Singer immediately concedes he believes the reader should give more than 5% and intends the figure as a starting threshold; the full sliding scale (rising into the double digits for higher earners) is set out in Chapter 10. For Singer’s own giving practice and the strong-version philosophical case, see Peter Singer, The Most Good You Can Do (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2015), Preface.↩︎

  25. Bernard Williams, “A Critique of Utilitarianism,” in J. J. C. Smart and Bernard Williams, Utilitarianism: For and Against (1973), sections 3 and 5 (“Negative Responsibility” and “Integrity”); Susan Wolf, “Moral Saints,” Journal of Philosophy 79.8 (1982): 419–439.↩︎

  26. Federal Council decree of 28 March 1938 closing the Swiss-Austrian border to Jewish refugees without Swiss visas; further regulation of 4 October 1938 introducing the “J” stamp on the passports of German Jews (negotiated by Heinrich Rothmund, head of the Federal Police, with the German foreign ministry — Switzerland is widely held to have initiated this proposal). Standard reference: Independent Commission of Experts Switzerland — Second World War, Switzerland and Refugees in the Nazi Era (Bern: BBL, 1999), §3. [VERIFY]↩︎

  27. Paul Grüninger (1891–1972), police commander Canton St Gallen 1925–39. Dismissed without pension by Regierungsrat St Gallen on 28 April 1939; convicted of Urkundenfälschung (falsification of documents) and Amtspflichtverletzung (breach of official duty) on 30 December 1940; fined CHF 300 plus court costs of CHF 1,300; pension forfeited. He worked as a private music teacher and small textiles dealer until his death in 1972. The conviction was quashed by the District Court of St Gallen on 30 November 1995. The Paul Grüninger Stiftung (founded 1998) maintains an archive at Diepoldsau. Standard biography: Stefan Keller, Grüningers Fall: Geschichten von Flucht und Hilfe (Zürich: Rotpunkt, 1993). The 2014 feature film Akte Grüninger (Alain Gsponer dir.) is widely shown in Swiss schools. [VERIFY]↩︎

  28. Carl Lutz (1895–1975), Swiss vice-consul in Budapest from 1942. Between March 1944 and the end of 1944 he issued Schutzbriefe claiming Swiss diplomatic protection over Hungarian Jews; the documents protected an estimated 62,000 people from deportation to Auschwitz. The “Glass House” (Üvegház) at Vadász utca 29 was the protected centre. Eichmann’s deputy Theodor Dannecker reportedly recognised the Schutzbriefe as without legal basis but accepted them in practice. On Lutz’s return Bern reprimanded him; he was rehabilitated in 1958 (Federal Council resolution). Yad Vashem named him Righteous Among the Nations in 1965. Standard biography: Theo Tschuy, Carl Lutz und die Juden von Budapest (Zürich: Verlag Neue Zürcher Zeitung, 1995); English translation, Dangerous Diplomacy (Eerdmans, 2000). [VERIFY]↩︎

  29. For the genocide background see Gérard Prunier, The Rwanda Crisis: History of a Genocide (1995), and Philip Gourevitch, We Wish to Inform You That Tomorrow We Will Be Killed with Our Families (1998). For Rusesabagina’s own account, see Paul Rusesabagina with Tom Zoellner, An Ordinary Man: An Autobiography (2006). The figure of 1,268 refugees is from the post-1994 registries at the Hôtel des Mille Collines.↩︎

  30. For the contested-record reporting, see Michela Wrong, “The Hotel Rwanda hero who became a ‘terrorist’,” African Arguments (8 September 2020); Edouard Kayihura and Kerry Zukus, Inside the Hotel Rwanda: The Surprising True Story… and Why It Matters Today (2014); the survey of 74 hotel survivors discussed there. Roméo Dallaire’s assessment is given in his Shake Hands with the Devil: The Failure of Humanity in Rwanda (2003) and in subsequent interviews; Major Stefan Stec’s report on the passing of names is documented in Linda Melvern, Conspiracy to Murder: The Rwandan Genocide (2004), Chapter 14. Odette Nyiramilimo’s defence of Rusesabagina against the bad-faith reading is recorded in the same African Arguments piece.↩︎

  31. On the 2020 abduction (Rusesabagina was lured onto a flight he believed was bound for Burundi but which landed in Kigali), the September 2021 conviction, the twenty-five-year sentence, the March 2023 commutation, and the U.S. State Department’s wrongful-detention designation, see Clooney Foundation for Justice, TrialWatch Fairness Report on Paul Rusesabagina v. Republic of Rwanda (2021), and Declan Walsh, “Rwanda Commutes Sentence of Paul Rusesabagina, the ‘Hotel Rwanda’ Hero,” New York Times (24 March 2023).↩︎

  32. Immanuel Kant, Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals (1785), §421 (Academy edition).↩︎

  33. Immanuel Kant, Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals (1785), §429 (Academy edition).↩︎

  34. Immanuel Kant, “On a Supposed Right to Lie from Philanthropy” (1797), Academy edition vol. 8, pp. 425–430. Quoted from Mary J. Gregor, ed. and trans., Practical Philosophy, The Cambridge Edition of the Works of Immanuel Kant (Cambridge University Press, 1996), AK 8:426. Verified against the held Gregor edition.↩︎

  35. Benjamin Constant, “Des réactions politiques” (1797), Chapter VIII. Kant’s essay is a direct reply to Constant’s objection that the duty of truth applies only where another has a right to the truth.↩︎

  36. Christine M. Korsgaard, “The Right to Lie: Kant on Dealing with Evil,” Philosophy and Public Affairs 15.4 (1986): 325–349.↩︎

  37. W. D. Ross, The Right and the Good (1930), Chapter II (“What Makes Right Acts Right?”).↩︎

  38. G. E. Moore, Principia Ethica (1903), Chapter I (“The Subject-Matter of Ethics”), §13.↩︎

  39. A. J. Ayer, Language, Truth and Logic (1936), Chapter VI (“Critique of Ethics and Theology”).↩︎

  40. Simon Blackburn, Ruling Passions (1998), especially Chapters 1 and 9. The quasi-realist programme is developed earlier in Blackburn, Spreading the Word (1984) and Essays in Quasi-Realism (1993).↩︎

  41. J. L. Mackie, Ethics: Inventing Right and Wrong (1977), Chapter 1 (“The Subjectivity of Values”), §9 (“The Argument from Queerness”).↩︎

  42. Bernard Williams, Ethics and the Limits of Philosophy (1985), Chapter 7 (“The Linguistic Turn”). The argument against decomposition into descriptive complex plus prescription targets R. M. Hare’s analysis of evaluative language; the discussion is extended in Chapter 8 (“Knowledge, Science, Convergence”), where Williams’s further examples of thick concepts include “coward, lie, brutality, gratitude”.↩︎

  43. Williams’s broader project in Ethics and the Limits of Philosophy (1985) is the dismantling of what he calls “the morality system” — a punitive structure of obligation, blame and guilt whose purest representative he takes to be Kant. See especially Chapter 10 (“Morality, the Peculiar Institution”). The thick-concepts argument is part of the larger case against the systematising ambitions of philosophical ethics.↩︎

  44. The forensic and behavioural facts are set out in the November 1993 trial transcript before Mr Justice Morland at Preston Crown Court (Thompson and Venables convicted 24 November 1993) and in the subsequent Home Office and Department of Health files; the figure of forty-two injuries and the iron bar (a fishplate) are from the pathologist’s report. For a literary-philosophical overview see Blake Morrison, As If (London: Granta, 1997). Thompson’s home circumstances were documented in social services reports admitted at trial.↩︎

  45. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, Book II, Chapter 1 (1103b). Ross translation.↩︎

  46. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, Book I, Chapter 3 (1094b). Ross translation.↩︎

  47. Plato, Meno, 70a (opening question); 99e–100a (concluding suggestion that virtue comes “by divine dispensation” to those who possess it).↩︎

  48. Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue (1981), especially Chapters 1–3 and 14–15.↩︎

  49. World Health Organization, “Female genital mutilation: Fact sheet” (Geneva: WHO, updated 2024), and WHO, Eliminating Female Genital Mutilation: An Interagency Statement (Geneva: WHO/UNFPA/UNICEF/UN Women et al., 2008), §1.2 (the four-type classification). Prevalence figures from UNICEF, Female Genital Mutilation: A New Generation Calls for Ending an Old Practice (New York: UNICEF, 2020).↩︎

  50. For Dukureh’s role and the November 2015 decree, see Jaha Dukureh’s testimony in “Gambia: President Bans Female Genital Cutting,” The Guardian (24 November 2015), and the UNICEF-backed Safe Hands for Girls documentation. The 2024 repeal attempt and its July 2024 defeat are reported in Ruth Maclean, “Gambia Upholds Ban on Female Genital Cutting in Landmark Vote,” New York Times (15 July 2024). On the reformer’s-dilemma structure, see James Rachels, The Elements of Moral Philosophy (7th ed. 2012), Chapter 2 (“The Challenge of Cultural Relativism”).↩︎

  51. Janice Boddy, Civilizing Women: British Crusades in Colonial Sudan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007), Introduction and Chapters 1, 9, on the colonial genealogy of the Western reform framing. Bettina Shell-Duncan and Ylva Hernlund (eds.), Female “Circumcision” in Africa: Culture, Controversy, and Change (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2000), and Shell-Duncan, “From Health to Human Rights: Female Genital Cutting and the Politics of Intervention,” American Anthropologist 110.2 (2008): 225–236, on the heterogeneity of practices and the limits of the human-rights frame. From inside the practising societies: Nawal El Saadawi, The Hidden Face of Eve: Women in the Arab World, trans. Sherif Hetata, rev. ed. (London: Zed Books, 2007 [1977]), Part Two, Chapter 2; Hibo Wardere, Cut: One Woman’s Fight against FGM in Britain Today (London: Simon & Schuster, 2016). The journal Feminist Africa (Cape Town: African Gender Institute, 2002–) regularly carries the contested-internal-politics view.↩︎

  52. Ruth Benedict, “Anthropology and the Abnormal,” Journal of General Psychology 10.1 (1934), concluding paragraph.↩︎

  53. For Wilberforce’s twenty-year parliamentary campaign against the slave trade (1787–1807) and his subsequent involvement in the abolition of slavery in the British Empire (Slavery Abolition Act, 28 August 1833, three days before Wilberforce’s death), see William Hague, William Wilberforce: The Life of the Great Anti-Slave Trade Campaigner (London: HarperPress, 2007), and Adam Hochschild, Bury the Chains: Prophets and Rebels in the Fight to Free an Empire’s Slaves (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2005), for the wider Clapham-Sect and grassroots context.↩︎

  54. The “real versus notional confrontation” distinction is developed in Bernard Williams, “The Truth in Relativism,” Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society 75 (1974–1975): 215–228, and revisited in Ethics and the Limits of Philosophy (1985), Chapter 9 (“Relativism and Reflection”). A real confrontation occurs when two value systems are live options for the same agent; only there does relativism’s permission to refuse a single judgement actually bite.↩︎

  55. Lawrence Kohlberg, The Philosophy of Moral Development, Vol. 1 (1981), Essay 2 (“Moral Stages and Moralization: The Cognitive-Developmental Approach”).↩︎

  56. Carol Gilligan, In a Different Voice (1982), especially Chapter 1 (“Woman’s Place in Man’s Life Cycle”) and Chapter 3 (“Concepts of Self and Morality”).↩︎

  57. Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by UN General Assembly Resolution 217 A (III), 10 December 1948, Article 1.↩︎

  58. On the Asian values debate, see the Bangkok Declaration (March 1993) issued by Asian states prior to the Vienna World Conference on Human Rights, and Amartya Sen, “Human Rights and Asian Values,” The New Republic (14–21 July 1997).↩︎

  59. James Damore, Google’s Ideological Echo Chamber: How Bias Clouds Our Thinking About Diversity and Inclusion (internal memo, dated July 2017, leaked August 2017). Cited meta-analyses include David P. Schmitt, Anu Realo, Martin Voracek, and Jüri Allik, “Why Can’t a Man Be More Like a Woman? Sex Differences in Big Five Personality Traits Across 55 Cultures,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 94.1 (2008): 168–182, and Janet Shibley Hyde, “The Gender Similarities Hypothesis,” American Psychologist 60.6 (2005): 581–592. [VERIFY]↩︎

  60. Kate Conger, “Exclusive: Here’s The Full 10-Page Anti-Diversity Screed Circulating Internally at Google,” Gizmodo, 5 August 2017 (the leak that brought the memo to public attention). [VERIFY]↩︎

  61. Sundar Pichai, “Note to employees from CEO Sundar Pichai,” Google internal communication, 7 August 2017; the public-facing version was posted on the Google Blog on 8 August 2017. Damore’s dismissal was confirmed in the public communication; the cited reason was violation of Google’s Code of Conduct. [VERIFY]↩︎

  62. National Labor Relations Board, James Damore et al. v. Google Inc., advice memorandum, January 2018, declining to issue a complaint on Damore’s NLRA claims; Damore et al. v. Google LLC, Santa Clara Superior Court, 17-cv-321529, filed 8 January 2018, settled on confidential terms in May 2020. [VERIFY]↩︎

  63. For the Sociobiology Study Group’s open letter see “Against ‘Sociobiology’,” New York Review of Books (13 November 1975). The 1978 AAAS incident is described in E. O. Wilson, Naturalist (1994), Chapter 17.↩︎

  64. David Hume, A Treatise of Human Nature (1739–1740), Book III, Part I, Section I (“Moral Distinctions Not Deriv’d from Reason”), final paragraph: “In every system of morality, which I have hitherto met with, I have always remark’d, that the author proceeds for some time in the ordinary way of reasoning… when of a sudden I am surpriz’d to find, that instead of the usual copulations of propositions, is, and is not, I meet with no proposition that is not connected with an ought, or an ought not.”↩︎

  65. E. O. Wilson, Sociobiology: The New Synthesis (Cambridge, MA: Belknap/Harvard, 1975), Chapter 27 (“Man: From Sociobiology to Sociology”), opening: “Scientists and humanists should consider together the possibility that the time has come for ethics to be removed temporarily from the hands of the philosophers and biologicized.” Verified against the held primary. The programmatic claim is extended in On Human Nature (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978), Chapter 1 (“Dilemma”), where Wilson speaks of fashioning “a biology of ethics” (also verified against the held primary).↩︎

  66. G. E. Moore, Principia Ethica (1903), Chapter I, §13 (Open Question Argument).↩︎

  67. Sam Harris, The Moral Landscape: How Science Can Determine Human Values (2010), Chapter 1 (“Moral Truth”).↩︎

  68. Jonathan Haidt, The Righteous Mind (2012), Chapter 2 (“The Intuitive Dog and Its Rational Tail”), section “The Rider and the Elephant.” The metaphor is developed earlier in Haidt, The Happiness Hypothesis (2006), Chapter 1.↩︎

  69. On the drafting of the UDHR, see Mary Ann Glendon, A World Made New: Eleanor Roosevelt and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (2001), especially Chapters 3–5. On Charles Malik and Peng-chun Chang’s contributions, see Johannes Morsink, The Universal Declaration of Human Rights: Origins, Drafting, and Intent (1999).↩︎

  70. The Declaration of Independence (4 July 1776), preamble, second paragraph.↩︎

  71. John Locke, Two Treatises of Government (1689), Second Treatise, Chapter II (“Of the State of Nature”), §6. Cited from the Peter Laslett critical edition (Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 271. Verified against the held Laslett edition (the OCR letter-spacing on the older scan is a typesetting artefact, not a wording variant).↩︎

  72. Jeremy Bentham, “Anarchical Fallacies; Being an Examination of the Declarations of Rights Issued during the French Revolution” (written c. 1795, published 1816), Article II: “Natural rights is simple nonsense: natural and imprescriptible rights, rhetorical nonsense — nonsense upon stilts.”↩︎

  73. John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (1971), §§3–4 (“The Main Idea of the Theory of Justice”; “The Original Position and Justification”) and §24 (“The Veil of Ignorance”).↩︎

  74. John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (1971), §13 (“Democratic Equality and the Difference Principle”).↩︎

  75. Richard Rorty, “Human Rights, Rationality, and Sentimentality,” Oxford Amnesty Lecture 1993, printed in Stephen Shute and Susan Hurley, eds., On Human Rights (1993).↩︎

  76. Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), Articles 12 and 19.↩︎

  77. For the Silver Spring case, the September 1981 raid, the criminal proceedings (Taub v. State, 296 Md. 439, 463 A.2d 819, Court of Appeals of Maryland, 1983, vacating the conviction on statutory-coverage grounds), and its catalytic role in the animal-rights movement, see Peter Carlson, “The Great Silver Spring Monkey Debate,” Washington Post Magazine (24 February 1991); Kim Stallwood, Growl: Life Lessons, Hard Truths, and Bold Strategies from an Animal Advocate (2014); and Susan Sperling, Animal Liberators: Research and Morality (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988). On the scientific afterlife — Taub’s later development of constraint-induced movement therapy from the same neuroplasticity findings — see Edward Taub et al., “Technique to Improve Chronic Motor Deficit after Stroke,” Archives of Physical Medicine and Rehabilitation 74.4 (1993): 347–354.↩︎

  78. Peter Singer, Animal Liberation: A New Ethics for Our Treatment of Animals (New York: New York Review/Random House, 1975); the argument is restated and updated in Animal Liberation Now (New York: HarperCollins, 2023) — the held edition in the library — and extended philosophically in Practical Ethics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), Chapter 3 (“Equality for Animals?”). The speciesism argument and the equal-suffering principle are verified against the held Animal Liberation Now primary, Chapters 1–6.↩︎

  79. Jeremy Bentham, An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation (1789), Chapter XVII (“Of the Limits of the Penal Branch of Jurisprudence”), footnote to §1, IV. The full sentence reads: “the question is not, Can they reason? nor, Can they talk? but, Can they suffer?” Verified against the held primary (Burns/Hart/Rosen edition, PDF p. 397).↩︎

  80. The term speciesism was coined by Richard D. Ryder in a privately printed Oxford leaflet (“Speciesism,” 1970) and developed in Ryder, Victims of Science: The Use of Animals in Research (London: Davis-Poynter, 1975). Singer adopted and popularised the term in Animal Liberation (1975), Chapter 1.↩︎

  81. Derek Parfit, Reasons and Persons (1984), Part IV (“Future Generations”), Chapters 16 (“The Non-Identity Problem”) and 17.↩︎

  82. Paul W. Taylor, Respect for Nature: A Theory of Environmental Ethics (1986), Chapter 3 (“The Biocentric Outlook on Nature”).↩︎

  83. Aldo Leopold, A Sand County Almanac (1949), “The Land Ethic.” The quoted summary formula appears near the end of that essay.↩︎

  84. Nick Bostrom and Eliezer Yudkowsky, “The Ethics of Artificial Intelligence,” in The Cambridge Handbook of Artificial Intelligence, ed. Keith Frankish and William M. Ramsey (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), Chapter 15; David J. Chalmers, “The Singularity: A Philosophical Analysis,” Journal of Consciousness Studies 17.9–10 (2010): 7–65, especially §§9–10 on the moral status of AI systems.↩︎